Many posts ask in social media, what’s the difference between the CPM and the TMC? Both are equally exploitative. How did the CPM exploit youm how does the TMC exploit you? To such questions the Bengali has only one answer, ja korechhe na… Kintu korchheta ki? Please list down your complaints specifically. No Bengali has ever been able to specifically state the problems with either of these parties. But there is a problem, there is an inner angst among the Bengali middle class about politics, which the CPM has turned into corruption, violence and unsafe conditions for women. These are exactly the very same stuff of which CPM political crimes were made of; interestingly, it was in the 1990’s in the era of the bhadralok Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, that crime in Bengal and especially against women peaked.
The TMC is a welcome change because safety to life and property returned to Bengal as did peace. What the TMC brought were the uninterrupted supply of civic amenities, electricity, water, fair rations, cleaner and smoother roads, IT enabled smart deliveries and permissions. Infrastructure in terms of roads and flyovers were not only built but built to quality and in no time. The transportation system galloped. The above-mentioned facilities not only enriched the city but also spread into the rural areas making the entire state into one huge livable peri urban area. Within the city, its limits expanded on easier permissions and the real estate sector boomed but with affordability making Kolkata into a cosmopolitan city once over. The CPM created a hoax of the builder raj and now the BJP is hurting the real estate sector with false cases and ED raids because it is this sector that has accelerated the economy bringing in its wake, not only population mobility but services.
The TMC regime must have been honest otherwise the anudaan, or the DBT transfers would not have rankled the BJP and the CPM so much, calling the beneficiaries of these doles as beggars. DBT is part of the strategies of poverty alleviation, part of the basic universal income discourse created by some of the topmost economists of the world!! The many CBI raids on Partha Chatterjee and other leaders with YouTube filled with videos of cash loaded almirahs went for a toss as the CBI failed to present any evidence in the court. These nullified accusations show that the TMC, contrary to name calling, has not been a dishonest party.
The main difference between the TMC and CPM is that the CPM had professionals turned politicians, the TMC has businessmen in its fray. This is why the TMC understands investments very well. Bengal, contrary to social media rumours has industrialized very well under the TMC. It is today the hub for sponge iron and ferro alloys, the mecca for cement and handloom textiles, its sequin work remains the most exported, it leads India in vegetable production, flowers are a Bengali monopoly, and if carbon credits were to be audited, the state would have soared in that too. Cold storage warehousing and transportation are among the most robust industries in the state. The proliferation of cultural spaces such as auditoriums and exhibition halls shows that the TMC has seriously thought of investing in culture.
But the TMC has enormous failings, and these are very genuine and serious ones. The TMC has not been able to create aspirations and ambitions among Bengalis to use their culture to rule the rest of India. Bengal is Bengal only because all through the times since Raja Rammohun Roy, its genius has scripted the destiny of modern India. There is nothing in modern India which is not of a Bengali origin. Bengali business, much of what is lauded today were never mass production facilities, instead it was an innovation based patented products. In invoking the intellectual genius of Bengal, the TMC has failed massively. Mamata Banerjee tried very hard by restoring Bengal to Tagore and heritage and actively encouraged artists and the cinema. She facilitated the world’s largest installation project and art in the form of the Durga Puja. Despite her best intentions, somehow, she could not arouse the intellectual aspirations of the state. Professions such as medicine and engineering, film and theatre, writers and musicians started to clamour for and depend on state patronage. Those who got the official appreciation drew the resentments of those who did not. This resentment blew out of proportions where to punish the Government; a female doctor was brutally murdered by her own colleagues who was envious of the principal as he was seen to have been favoured by the government. Where the government should have inspired, it created a series of disgruntled and resentful intelligentsia trying to get at each other’s throats, plotting murders to get rivals out of the way. But unlike the CPM or the BJP, TMC has never dictated novels to novelists, scripts to script writers, poetry to poets. It has never dwelt on ideological fundamentalism; it also has never imposed one.
The BJP and the CPM use their own failings to project these on to the TMC; BJP says that it is a Muslim appeaser, the CPM says that it is violent and corrupt. Both try to lure in intelligentsia, promising them with those very rewards they coveted under the TMC rule and those which passed them by. Hence by appealing to the rioting Bengali, the BJP and to the ignored Bengali, they are trying to lay traps for the narcissistic Bengali rendered naïve by that narcissism. Both the BJP and the CPM are anti intellectual parties, they are anti middle class, and their politics are oriented towards creating the mob. They are composed of failed individuals, who try to blame others for their failures.