Mukul Dadu – The Man For Our Family

My earliest memory of Mukul Dadu is a slim frame, curly hair, flat forehead, fair and translucent skin and an ever smiling face. I always saw him in white crisp dhoti and a long “panjabi”. He used to have a light step and moved fast. Whenever the bell rang and I found Mukul Dadu at the door, I would run down the stairs and open the door for him. His coming to our house was like a festival. There would be laughter, conversation, encouragement and inspiration. Dadu who had prolonged spells of depression after Thama’s death and his own retirement would get charged up as soon as he heard Mukul Dadu cheerfully calling out “Chhobuda” at some distance before he actually entered Dadu’s room.

Sometimes Dadu invited his relatives over at our house and insisted that they sing Rabindra Sangeet. Mukul Dadu’s favourite song was “Hey Malati Didha Keno”, and to this day I have never heard a better rendition of the song that his.

Mukul Dadu encouraged me to no end. He appreciated my essays, my discussions and notwithstanding that I was only a school going child inspired me to be an independent thinker. I could never be assured of my performance till Mukul Dadu had a look at my writing and cleared it with lavish praise. He heard with interest my counterarguments against most established thoughts that usually appalled Dadu. But Mukul Dadu never talked me down and instead suggested to Dadu that it was important for children always to learn through arguments than by rote.

Mukul Dadu was briefly away at Nagaland from where he used to write to us. In short and nippy sentences he described his home in Kohima, his work, his colleagues and the change of seasons in the hills.  I remember Baba read the letters several times for their poetic tone yet chatty style. When he heard that Dadu had died he sent us a telegram saying that the demise was an irreparable loss. Baba said that he had never heard of a better way to condole the loss of a loved one than this.

Today I teach University teachers under the UGC programme, I give after dinner talks at University Hostels, and lecture at Seminars on how to look at the world differently than what we usually do. I invariably think that these are just the things that Mukul Dadu predicted that I would do. I often mention Mukul Dadu, who himself was a teachers’ trainer to the teachers who I train and give examples from my conversations with him in those evenings when he, Dadu and I used to have tea with thin arrowroot biscuits sitting out in the balcony of Dover Lane.

Ma taught me that people never end when they die. No one really has died in my life. Thama is not dead, Dadu is not dead and Mukul Dadu, the third of the trinity of my favourites in the grandparent’s generation is not dead either. Whenever I think about Mukul Dadu I discover him anew. Each time I think about him, I hear the assured laughter, I see the confident bearing of the body, and I feel the vivacious energy of a very active mind. A large part of me is what he encouraged me to become and as I think, write, speak and argue his inspiration unconsciously and consciously always works within me.

Happy Birthday, Mukul Dadu,

Pronams,

Mithu

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Barkha Dutt and Vir Sanghvi – Whats The Big Deal?

Yesterday, many of us especially my friends Parvinder and Xavier Dias were posting you tube uploads about how Barkha Dutt and Vir Sanghvi were being paid to act in favour of some corporate entities in India and their politician agents. The transcripts of the conversations between the fixers and the culprits were already out in the websites of Outlook and Mail Today and the Youtube tapes firmed up evidence against these topmost and most admired journalists. As goes the Bengali saying that the ghost has come to reside within the mustard seed, an unfailing ghost busting ingredient, the watch dog is eating out of the hands of the intruder. This is a shame.

I think that the above expose should not shock us. One really does not need to know that news is all bought when television channels incessantly show the tribals who fight for their rights as enemies of the nation, or how anyone who feels uncomfortable with the military presence in Kashmir as being one with the terrorists. The India shining story that evades reportage on how India is slowly accumulating poverty and deprivation even below the levels of sub Saharan Africa, the bandwidths devoted to film stars attending parties thrown by Mumbai builders, the surfeit of reality shows with a total avoidance of facing the reality of India that consists of school drop outs, violence against women, farmer desperations and growing unemployment. These huge lies about India’s real situation and the showcasing of a make belief world where celebrities live with life styles, cuisines, homes and holidays that very few of us can ever hope to attain is a reason enough for us to believe that news is paid for. If television channels are not receiving money for such plastic news then the other possibility is that Indian journos are thick headed, which though fractionally right may not be entirely believable. Then this means that news is generally bought and sold and those with the power of money ride high on eye balls.

Television channels, newspapers and publishing houses have always been owned by moneyed people and in fact by industrialists who have fleeced consumers, evaded the fiscal departments, exploited labour, closed down factories and cheated intermediaries. Yet, the media did not appear to be so much in league with private interests before now. This is because never has the State in India been so closely in collusion with the corporate and so alienated from the people than it is at present. The media, because it is owned by the rich, instinctively aligns with powers that help sustain wealth accumulated by few through means that necessarily have deprived many and most. If newspapers have overwhelmingly supported the opposition party then it is when the latter has developed a chance of winning. If newspapers have leaned towards rebellion, it is because the rebel has a better prospect of winning. Media invariably has always supported the winning horse. In a democracy, winners are likely to circulate and this creates an illusion for us that the media is being democratic. Observed closely, media and power are invariably related and this emanates from the ownership structure of the media.

The problem with the media presently is that the power of the State has shifted from a socialist, nationalist and perhaps even a fascist to being corporatist. Market as the key player in the protection of entitlements and redistribution of wealth has replaced the state as the apolitical and logical infallible force. Media is only being true to its self when it supports the powerfuls in the market place. Where then is the shock factor in Vir Sanghvi and Barkha Dutt being in a happy alliance with such interests?

The above situation could be salvaged if the consumer was economically more powerful than the capitalist where money power was concerned. In that case the consumer could have bought news rather than the capitalists buying media space. But for that to happen, we need a very different kind of economics in which the income redistribution is so effective that capitalists’ profits are scummed away by the workers who are the very consumers when they return home from and richer than their employers in being able to buy the news that they want. In such a scenario news will turn out in favour of the genuine consumer instead of being in the interests of the sponsors, most of who are the same corporations that provide for glossy ads and fancy images and help sustain lies about prosperity. Till then we will have to live with the fact that since the media aligns with the powers that be it will logically tilt towards the corporate entities constituting the most powerful bloc in a market driven State and society.

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16th November – The Day The Fairies Came

 

For me 16th November is the death anniversary of Thama, my father’s mother, known to the rest of the world as Nihar Dasgupta nee Gupta. Thama died after being in a deep coma for three days as her organs started to fail and she progressively slouched into a deep slumber as her life slowly left her. I was only seven years old then and Pam, my brother just over two years. Both of us were shunted out to my mother’s home in New Alipore to get out of the way of the adults as Thama’s condition started to get critical. I never realized the consequences of illnesses and always welcomed when Thama would fall ill and I would have a chance to be evacuated to my mamabari. So when Ma came and packed Pam and my things in a bag saying to me that this time round the stay might be longer, I could only be happy. But Pam, I remember felt bad at leaving Thama behind and stood at the foot of her bed repeatedly calling out to her his goodbye. Only when Thama barely opened her eyes and nodded in acknowledgment did Pam move away.

When I was having dinner on the evening of the 16th November in New Alipore, no one told me that Thama had died late in the afternoon on that day. I was surprised however to find that none among my seven cousins who lived there shared the table at dinner. They were all removed from my vicinity lest they blurt out the news of the death to me. Bachi and Nomama were the two persons who were with me as I tore the rotis to dip into my daal. Dida was serving me the food. Bachi was staying back to look after Pam and I while Nomama was holding fort to take care of the children while all the adults were at Dover Lane, our house. Everything was cleverly arranged to keep me uninformed of the loss. However, in the following morning Tutun found a way to break the news to me. She insisted that I call Dadu up and ask his permission to extend my stay at New Alipore and just to please him with excellent manners, I was to ask how Thama was. When I dialed up home, Dadu answered the phone. He agreed immediately to me staying on in New Alipore and sounded very relaxed and casual, so unlike him. Then I asked about Thama and he said that she was fully recovered and was doing very well indeed. Her back ache, the swelling in her feet, the bedsore, were all gone !! It sounded unrealistically good for me and it was then that I sensed something to be very very wrong. I spoke to Dida saying that I wanted to return back immediately and when Dadu, my maternal grandfather returned from work, I insisted that I be sent to Dover Lane. He agreed and as soon as I finished packing Pam’s and my things into our bag, Bachi who was just back from office escorted us back home.

I reached home to find the main door ajar and lots of people moving about in the house. All the lights were on belying the usual economy in using electricity; I could hear some voices singing songs, fragrance of flowers and incense filled the air. Everything looked so different and unusual in the house. I ran upstairs to look for Thama but I found her room empty. Her bed looked nicely tidied up with a framed photo of hers in her brilliant flashy smile that would light up her eyes, resting against her pillows with fresh covers on them and a thick sweet smelling garland of white flowers. What happened to Thama, I asked totally puzzled. All of a sudden Ma emerged out of the milieu of people moving around, talking among themselves in low voices. She took me aside and sat me down on the steps of our staircase. Then Ma told me of the grand spectacle I missed. Thama was suffering and so God wished to relieve her. There descended a fairy just like in Cinderalla in a beautiful glass carriage full of flowers. With a magic wand she dressed up Thama in a lovely sari, garlands, perfumes and jewellery and then as sweet music played and fireworks went off, the fairy lifted her up to the sky and flew away spreading lights as they went. 16th November that year was Guru Govind’s Birth Anniversary and due to some Sikh families and a Gurudwara in our locality celebrations were on with shabad, lights and fireworks. The glass carriage of Cinderalla in my mother’s story was the hearse van. Ma made death appear to me like a fairy tale and even till this day I have felt sad when people die but never have been able to look upon death as anything but beautiful. Thama’s death is always a beautiful event in my life, a day to remember; just the way my mother described it to me. 16th November is a day when fairies came to our house.

Thama lived life kingsize. She was a celebrity, a socialite. She had a brilliant mind, Calcutta University Gold Medallist twice over, a witty, intelligent and an endearing conversationist who had no qualms about snubbing those who could not match up to her brilliance. She knew how to save money and yet maintain a standard of life that had holidays, restaurants, theatres, film shows and parties. She was a keen investor and believed in building assets. She had a great foresight in terms of how human beings would turn out, the mistakes servants could make, when water could run out, when land prices and gold rates would rise, who had the potential to succeed and whose business could fall into penury. She came from a modest social background but had friends in very high places; she was socially sought because of her sharp mind, sharper wit and her lashing tongue. She was intolerant of mediocrity, very exacting in her standards, ruthlessly organized and merciless of the careless. But despite her high spirits and arrogance, she was always fatigued, a trait that I seem to have inherited. She never worked because she could not manage a home and profession; I never married because of the same reason. In her times, Thama chose marriage over profession; in my times I chose my work over home. Physical fatigue seem to have capped capabilities in both our cases.

When I was born, as it is customary to gift gold to grandchildren, Thama gave me a golden crown !  She pushed me to be worthy of it and while she was around, I excelled in anything that I did. She knew how to get there and be there. A little while after she married my grandfather’s family fell into bad times. They were driven out of their homes which English interior designers had done up because their father died without having saved enough for lavish lifestyles. And soon in the Mallik Bazaar area, there was yet another family of the fallen Mughals, the Dasguptas. Thama’s pragmatism lifted Dadu up from this vortex of unpreparedness to face a life in cramped small apartment homes. She built brick by brick stability in finances, goaded Baba to study and perform well and supported Dadu like a rock in his career. She was very good at socializing and her social contacts and popularity along with her foresight in material affairs saw my grandfather find his feet again. Thama’s concerns for my studies, my well being, and my health gave me a hard time and I never felt myself free under her watchful gaze. No wonder then my sojourns into New Alipore were such escapes for me. But I never resented her; even as a child I could feel through her panoptic disciplinarian ways, her obsessive love for me. I loved being loved so intensely by her.  After Thama died, my academic and extracurricular performances dipped, our family no longer felt pushed into any kind of achievement, relaxed and slopped off.

Thama used to be often irritable and even angry. She was sensitive to disorder, of things not being quite within her control. What rattled her most were people falling ill. Baba could never afford to injure himself as a child, because Thama would get upset; I used to run the entire length of the house to sneeze so that Thama would not catch me having a cold. She hated mundane things bothering her and illness used to be one such dispensable affair. She would spend time for herself, sitting in the sun by the window on the south writing letters to her woman friends, laughing while she wrote out her quintessentially witty lines. She was meticulous and systematic; everything had their place, all papers filed neatly, all clips kept firmly in their places and her fashion accessories that consisted of bags, slippers, parasols, jewellery, brooches and gem studded hair pins were immaculately stored alongside her saris. She had friends in Sri Lanka and Burma and good things were abundant in her possessions. She was a very fashionable woman, dressed ahead of her times, smelt good with expensive perfumes and the gajras of beliphool that she loved so dear. Unlike my paternal grandfather’s family, Thama was not westernized. She was a Bengali bhadralok, starched cotton saris, Bengali cuisine, Bengali literature, Bengali music and Bengali drama. She was even a bit contemptuous of the Brahmo culture that so marked the Dasguptas.

One day I sat with Ma and both of us were watching the monsoon clouds that were heavy with moisture slowly shed rain and become light enough to drift again. Ma said that when humans die souls mingle with God just like water evaporates into the clouds. Then it rains and in that rain one could no longer find that drop of water that had evaporated into the cloud. I was disappointed at my prospect of not finding Thama in her rebirth. Slowly as I am growin old, I am becoming more and more like her. I have a similar knack for intuiting about things to come, a similar agitation about my home and family getting unsettled, about people not performing well, the same irritation with silly clerks behind desks, the same way of keeping my spaces well organized, the same hyperactive mind but the phelgmatic and fatigued body with a tendency to tire out soon from physical exhaustion. I have the same way of sitting by the sun and writing notes for friends in the facebook. I think that the large cloud that contained Thama has sometimes rained on me.

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Dida 100 Years

Fifty years before now, my maternal grandfather, Saradindu Gupta built his house in New Alipore. He called his home Indulok, after the suffix that all the male members of the male side of the family bore. They were called Amalendu, Dibyendu, Nabendu, Soumyendu and so on. It was my mamabari and hence my space of utmost indulgence and leverage; I called it as the Palace of the Moon. It was a sprawling bungalow of about 8000 square feet on each of its two floors, a long train like servants quarters that had three rooms. The house also had patios, porches, balconies, verandahs, French windows, lawns, flower beds, kitchen gardens, pump house and a fountain!. It had large rooms, living rooms, a study room, an office room, formal dining area with brass grilled partitions that marked it out from the rest of the space, There was a pantry and a huge kitchen zone with a store, washing area, a family dining room with an attached toilet and a veritable fireplace in the ostentatious drawing rooms, one in each floor. On the drawing room of the ground floor was a piano forte that my very musical aunts and uncles played. The house had two sets of staircases, a smaller one at the rear wing and in the front a wide one that curved down into a reception area over which hung a chandelier. There were built in woodwork in the rooms, almirahs with sliding panels in the bathrooms, glass panes in the windows, concealed lights, and plaster of Paris coats on walls and rich designs on the ceiling. Sometimes the house had as many as thirty members in it, waking up, sleeping off, eating, bathing, studying, going to work, playing, singing, dancing, partying or just chatting or telling stories to children. In this house, every space contained Dida, my mother’s mother, who was exactly 50 years of age, my present age when she became the sole mistress of this estate.

It is interesting that I should associate Indulok so much with Dida when it had all my cousins, Bachi and Bulimashi, with manis and mamas in it. I hardly spoke to Dida and she to me. She picked me up from my home in Dover Lane on Saturday mornings on her way back to New Alipore from Gariahat market, her weekly chore. That was the only time I looked forward to her. Through the drive back to New Alipore, she and I hardly spoke. I was not afraid of her, because I knew that she would never raise her voice with me, but I knew all along that she and I had no common interest. Yet, every frame of Indulok, whenever scenes from those years flash past me, has Dida in it. Dadu sold off Indulok after Dida died; the house was too much hers to have a life of its own without her. Indulok could possibly have no memories without Dida being the centre of those.

I see Dida in the kitchen, organizing meals, I see her serving us food in the dining room, I see her bringing in the caramelled doi from the fridge, pounding chhana for her sandesh, stirring soufflé, laying out paan, mashing kuls for pickles, cleaning prawn for malai kaari and blowing into hot milk to bring it to the right temperature where I could drink it. I see her winding up after a very long day’s work, shutting one door after the other as she walked the long corridors, with her paan in hand, retiring to her bedroom with the large bunch of keys clanking heavily. I see her in the evening, doing aaroti in her very large and thoroughly untidy room. When we would go for the pujos to Nirole, Dida would be the most visible and omnipresent person in the kitchen and in the mandir. What my mother and aunts do together, Dida would do it all by herself and run things so smoothly that no one ever had to lift a finger. She had an enormous capacity for work, almost like the genie, definitely not normal, and in fact downright eerily supernatural.

She was a small woman, petite and light, almost thin and we all wondered whether she had a wound from slinging that heavy metal of the keys over her shoulders with the aanchal of her saari. She wore her saari draped and not pleated; she had a huge family to look after and hardly ever had the time to look after herself. I suspect that she never combed her hair; she oiled it well and the natural fall made it appear well-groomed. But that was all. She never wore ornaments and only two thin bangles perhaps as a sign of her husband being alive hung limply on her. When in the penultimate years of her life she fractured her wrist, the bangles had to be cut out. That was it, the bangles put on her wrists before the aeons of time had no other reason to return to her when the plaster was taken off. Her cupboards were stuffed with expensive saris that she got as gifts from her children and her bank lockers had ornaments that only a few can ever have. But she remained unattached and indifferent to all her possessions. If she valued anything at all then they were old saris which she could recycle as bandages and the borders that were useful in setting up mosquito nets.

Dida worked as though everyday was the last day of her life. She knew everything; cooking, removing stain from cloth, ironing woolen suits and silk sarees, stitching, darning, tying bandages, dressing wounds, opening locks, fixing plugs, tying immersion rods, tuning in radios, baking, roasting, grilling, garnishing and decorating food trays. She did tire herself out, she fell down from the steps of Kamakhya Mandir in Nirole out of sheer exhaustion and the soles of her feet were punched by hard corns and stiff calluses. But she went on, like a woman condemned doing so, as if like the mythical Sisyphus she was carrying out a sentence. When she had her hysterectomy, she soon had hernia because in a family as large as the one she always had, there was never any rest for her. The only story she ever told me on one of our journeys to New Alipore in the wide black Dodge with its immaculate white seats was that of Sindbad the sailor and of that man who was cursed to forever ferry people from one end of the river to another and never had a chance to free himself. I was only seven years of age then, but I remember clearly that I thought to myself for a long time that morning why Dida ever told me that story.

I often heard my manis cringe at why Dida never delegated her powers to any of her daughters-in-law. She kept everything well under her control never wanting to share that control. I used to think of her as being power hungry, somewhat like Indira Gandhi, both born in the month of November, both Scorpions, as I learnt from Mejomani. But somewhere the picture did not seem right. I think that Dida had no idea of power, far less she thought of herself as the boss. She was a worker, who worked to earn herself an existence. She belonged to a family of all girls, her father having died very early and with that one catastrophe in her life, she was relegated into the category of being a burden. She knew that she had to work very hard in order to be fed and in that way, she considered herself a mere worker and not the mistress of one of the largest houses in the City of Palaces. I think that my mother has inherited this mentality because even at the age of seventy, she imagines that she has always to perform to earn her lunch. Dida was the first one from whom I heard the phrase, albeit in Bengali, that there are no free lunches.

She had some strange anxieties. There was large mezannine over a garage that could contain four cars and this mezannine was used up to stock potato and onions. Dida had a fear of the famines and wars, when food could run out. We used to laugh at her not realizing that she had seen the Bengal Famine, the Partition, two world wars, and when Dadu was once posted in the Afghanistan border she knew of snows on the Hindukush mountains that could cut off supplies for days together. And then, perhaps, just my fancy, she may have also known hunger herself as a wife and mother who had to eat only after a large family was properly fed.

Dadu and Dida had been to England. So did Boromama and Boromani. But among them, Dida was the one who told me of the escalator and the departmental store, the first time I ever heard of them. She told me of the Sanjha Chula, also the first time ever I heard of this evening culture of Punjab. These were sudden sentences that she would blurt out while sipping hastily through her evening tea which she poured out from the cup to the saucer to cool it off. She never had the time for leisure because of the enormous load of housework in a family that always seem only to grow through marriages and birth of children.

Dida had huge doses of nervous energy. She hardly ever rested, and I suspect she thought that resting would be a waste of time. So even when she would lie down for an hour after having been on her feet already for eight hours since the six in the morning, she would listen to dramas on the radio. She was also a voracious reader; the one thing I never saw her without is a book, or a magazine, or a newspaper. She read novels, short stories, and even poetry; often whatever she could lay her hand on. She read only Bengali; I was so surprised to learn from my mother when I was still a child that she knew no English because at that age I assumed that everyone goes to English medium schools. That was the only time I ever learnt of Dida’s life, as a living instance of a girl taken away from school and hastily married off in order to be reduced as a burden to her family after she lost her father. Dida, I suspect always thought of herself as a burden and the way she worked like a hag was to plead to all of us that after all she had a use for us and a reason to be sheltered.

Despite her huge presence in the house, Dida was a closed person. I never really knew her; I never knew what she liked and what she did not. She cooked much but ate very little, guilty always of her existence; she took from the world only that was barely essential. But of her preferences, the colours she liked, the songs she would like to hear, the books she would like to read and the places to would want to visit remain unknown to me. She was a workaholic and had an enormous capacity to focus on the job at hand; this is why she could manage a household of thirty members as though there were only three! But while she was into all of this physically, her soul was away somewhere, in a world of her own, a world that memories of only a few snatches of conversation made me construct much later. My mother tells me that she loved our home in Dover Lane because it was small and manageable; where the family was small enough to sit and have leisurely chats into the late hours after dinner. Dida once spoke fondly of her sister and her husband, an elderly couple who retired to Puri and how happy they were because they just had each other and spent time playing cards. I thought that Dida secretly hoped for a small family, where members lived closely with one another, with more time for each other and indeed less of drudgery.

I connect this what Boromani used to say of Dida and which is that Dida came from a family of ICS incumbents and actually she was from the creamiest of creamy layers of the society, fallen into bad times after her father died while she still was a child. The aristocratic education and the high society that would have been hers were denied to her by cruel fate. The large family ethos was more from Dadu’s world in rural Bengal, where more number of children mean greater prosperity. Dida came from the urbanized sophisticated background, where intimate relations in marriage and small but tightly bonded family were preferred. I think that it was Dida who brought in the “blue blood” of Indulok and raised her children to such heights; for she and not Dadu had the ethos of high society and high culture and knew of worlds of success and social status.

Ma tells me that Dida was a sensitive person, often like Bachi, Bulimashi and herself given to shedding tears in silence. Interestingly, I never saw Dida cry, not even when Bachi married and went away and Bulimashi went abroad after her wedding. I never saw her cry when her sisters passed away; she never cried when Pintu mama died so young. But once I did see her eyes glisten and go moist and that was when Boromama left Indulok to move to Jodhpur Park. Dida stood there with her hand on Nondini’s head as she caressed her and when she bade them farewell, I did see her fight her tears back. I never saw Dida attached to anyone or anything, the nights she stayed up for people, her nursing of the sick, her attending of the indisposed were done so much with a cold efficiency that she could well be a dedicated nurse. But on that day, I felt that among all of us, it was Nondini that she loved so dear; it was her leaving home that finally punched her heart. Dida never displayed any affection openly, but in my mind I thought that this was the only child who she cared for so much that she risked some expression.

When Dida died, strangely I was not sad. I was sad for my mother and her siblings, but personally Dida and I had little emotional bonds. Besides I remembered her telling me of a fantasy she often had one evening when we were visiting New Alipore that she would like to be in a vehicle, a train, a bus, or a car, anything that would just drive on through the cities, fields, mountains, and deserts and along the rivers and seas and which would never stop anywhere. This was much of what she was in her own life, always going on and never stopping; but in her death I could feel her live her secret life of a traveler who never would have to get off anywhere.

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4th of November – The Day Dadu Died

Some thirteen years ago, when the glorious lightness of Autumn mornings snailed towards the heavy mist of winter, my maternal grandfather, Saradindu Gupta died in the afternoon of the 4th of November. I had already moved my base to Delhi but my brother and mother gave me a blow by blow account of how Dadu spent the day he died. It seems that he rose early as was his habit and took his morning walk, returned, opened his keds and true to his routine, used a white chalk liquid to clean it and put it out in the sun to dry. Then he relaxed into his bedroom slippers and had his morning tea. He spoke to my father about affairs of the country as usual and reminisced a bit about his days and times from another era. Dadu, on that day, was already 97 years and 4 months old. He then took his paper and pen and with his neat handwriting wrote out his own brief of a criminal suit that he was filing against one of his coparceners in his village over some land dispute. He had for three months by then been studying Criminal Procedures against land appropriation and he issued law books from the libraries of one of the many companies on whose board he served as a member. After he completed writing his brief by hand, he sent someone, I forget who, to photocopy the papers. The person who carried the papers as well as the person who photocopied amazedly inquired whose hand writing it was that looked so much as if the words were printed. At 97 years, he had an unbelievably steady hand.

After the exercise in writing was over, Dadu ate his breakfast consisting of an assemblage of fruits, raw garlic and some milk. I forgot whether he ate toast or not. Then he had his shave using his electric shaver. At 97 his hand was steady for this too. After the shave he had his bath and prepared himself for a meeting that was held in our house. He dispensed with his colleagues by mid morning and sorted out some papers filing them carefully and arranged them in a suitcase. By the time he finished this task at hand it was time for his lunch. Dadu ate his daal and bhaat with torkari and bhaja and a piece of fish and finished his meal off with plain doi and a sandesh. He sat around for a while with his own readings which would usually be one of the Purans; he was obsessed with Sanskrit texts and could read the language fluently. He then had a brief nap. At about 2.30 pm he rose from his siesta and watched the cricket match on television. At about 3.15 he woke our maid Alpona up and asked her to call my mother and to tell her that he was not feeling well. Ma rushed up because Dadu was usually in the pink of health. Dadu told her calmly that he felt as if he was feeling very uneasy. But he did not lie down immediately. He went to the bathroom and relieved himself first so that the final call of death would not catch him unprepared. Ma asked his advice on whether she should call Boromama, a doctor. Dadu said that it would be indeed a good idea. As Boromama and Nondini (Boromama’s daughter) drove down to our house, Ma and Pam were standing by his side; Dadu quietly removed his spectacles, put them in the case, took off his hearing aid and put it in its box, slowly turned to his side and declared that he was having a heart attack. Then he closed his eyes slowly and deliberately and breathed his last. The time by the clock was 3.30 pm.

It was a long journey for Dadu which ended on that day. Born to a modest family of Sanskrit teachers in a village in Bardhhaman, Dadu rose by the dint of his merit. He excelled academically and grew to be a man who despite not being fortunate to have an elite background was confident and arrogantly self assured. He was a great success with his British employees, being more of a Brit than his masters. He looked after a large family of widowed sisters and sisters who decided never to go to their in-laws and had eight children. For most of his life he spent as a banker with the Imperial Bank in West Punjab, which is now Pakistan. He never quite forgot those days of immense happiness in Lahore, Faizlabad, Marhi and Karachi. He loved the fragrances of its earth and the champa flowers, of which he spoke often and adored the lovely girls of Lahore with bright salwar suits and colourful silken parandhis on their plaits. He loved the snows on the mountains from which in summer he could see the valleys of Afghanistan. He spoke often of the Pathans, the dry fruits, the thick milk in brass tumblers that was served at “tea time” in Imperial Bank. After Partition, he came to reside in Kanpur where he spoke of sprawling staff quarters of the State Bank, which was the sovereign avatar of the Imperial Bank, and of its mango gardens. After he retired from the bank, he was employed with the Martin Burn Group of Companies from where his fortunes only rose in a steep linear curve. He built one of the largest houses in Kolkata, rode a wide black Dodge driven by Abbas, a faithful who accompanied him after the borders were set up dividing Pakistan and India. In cricket matches, Abbas and Dadu both supported Pakistan.

Slowly Dadu’s empire crashed. Abbas grew old and left him. His sons left him one by one as their families grew larger. The large house that he called Indulok started looking deserted and even haunted by memories of laughter and merriment of toddlers, their young mothers and cheerful fathers, their argumentative ayahas and garrulous cooks. One day Dida passed away too. Dadu had calculated his savings to last till about his 65 years of age and when he lived on and on; penury hit him because the discounted value of money and the inflation that eroded his capital. Finally he sold his house and after a brief stay with Mejomama, he came to stay with us at Dover Lane. My mother had the least time to stay with her parents because she was married off at the youngest age. She had a renewed lease of spending time with her father. Dadu also had a chance to stay with Ma, who, I suspect was his favourite daughter, if not the favourite child. Dadu’s passing away did not leave a vacuum; it fulfilled us with the event of a death that was an ideal way to literally hang up the boots.

I used to be greedy about only one of Dadu’s possessions. This was a set of four boxes that looked like books held together in a small book case. These boxes were actually clip boxes which one could use for gem clips, stapler and alpins. When I finally went down for his shraddha, I saw that Dadu had left that set of boxes for me on his shelf where his copy of the Gita also rested. I inherited what I always dreamt would someday be mine.

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Bhai Phnota

Bhaiyer kopaale dilam phnota,

Jomer duare porlo knaata,

Jomuna deye Jomke phnota

Ami diy aamaar bhaike phnota.

This was the montro that we had to say as we put a phnota of chondon, kaajal and ghee on our brother’s foreheads. If the brother was older then we touched his feet, and if he was younger then he touched our feet. But on all cases, the sister would do a aashirbaad, irrespective of the age of the brother with dhaan and dubbo. Gifts were exchanged often of equal value; Re 1, Rs 2, a chocolate, a comic of Amar Chitra Katha or a ladybird fairy tale. That was all. Gifts were supposed to emerge out of pocket money. When brothers grew up and sisters got married, gifts could be unequal, each according to his or her capability, no competition, no matching up to each other.

My girl cousin, Jhumi used to often feel upset at the way a special ashon was laid for the boys, with food offered to them by the side of a lit oil lamp. Why bhaiphnota and why not bon phnota she would ask? The rest of the girls would nod to her rebellious assertions that sisters too should be pampered but none really questioned the ceremony. The menu of radha ballabhi and aloo dam followed by vegetable chop and mishti were too preoccupying and then we got involved in the opening up gifts to discover all favourite stuff among the simple pencils, pencil boxes, note books, hanky sets and so on. Bhai phnota was the modest, tapered off finale to the Durga pujo vacations for us, preparing us mentally to be at school the following morning.

 Bhai phnota is not raakhi. They are rather different festivals. In raakhi, a sister asks the brother to protect her. In the medieval traditions of India, the job of protecting a woman was done by the brother and not the hero, as in the Hindi film formula influenced from the West. In bhai phnota the sister prays for her brother’s life; she prays to Jom (Yama) to spare her brother by asking him to think of Jomuna, his sister. The sister equates herself with Jomuna and appeals to Jom to see her in the same way. Bhai phnota is not the helpless cry of the sister to her brother s as in raakhi. In raakhi, the sister must seek the brother, even if she does not have one, she must look for one. In bhai phnota, quite the contrary happens. It is the brother who must find the sister for she alone can negotiate directly with Jom by citing all kinds of parallels with Jomuna and so on.

The structure of bhai phnota emanates out of Bengal’s tradition of women as saviours. As Behula, she becomes capable of negotiating with Monosha that her newlywed husband, Lokhinder be resurrected. As Khona, she sees far ahead into the future when clouds would seed rain. As Saratchandra’s heroines she feeds the hungry, chaperons the victim of his father’s wrath, and does justice to the wronged. As the heroine of Meghe Dhaka Taara, she pulls her family out of the abyss of dislocation through Partition. Women as mothers and sisters have always been capable of protection; they have the ability to organize the bachelor’s world. Mother’s can organize tiffin, wait outside schools and tuition centres for eternity, then bring the child back feeding him bananas or sandesh on the way back; they are the ones who pray for us to pass in examinations that we have not studied for. Sisters are the ones who seem to be organizing a brother’s life for him, putting his things in place, filling up his forms, getting his papers photocopied, buying his tickets on the net, picking him up from the railways stations, dropping him to the airports, the Bengali sister has done it all. If she happens to be an older sister, then the brother gets the bonus of a mother in her and can drop in anytime for meals, ask her to fetch things for him, to get his income tax papers in order and even talk to her contacts to secure for him some opportunities of employment and self employment. Most of the times, the sister hails a taxi, asks for directions on the road and negotiates with authorities in case of any transgress of law that the brother has done.

The sister as a protector of the brother in the ritual of the bhai phnota is only a formal acknowledgment of her role as her brother’s savior and not the other way round as it is in raakhi. The sister in the rituals of bhai phnota is assumed to be older because she does the aashirbaad irrespective of whether she touches his feet or he touches hers in the end. The sister in raakhi is always essentially younger, irrespective of her order of birth because the brother is her protector. The brother by the fact of his gender is a senior in raakhi; in bhai phnota, the feminine gender is assumed to be the senior. In Manna Dey’s famous song, Shey Amar Chhotobon, the younger sister is portrayed as all round support to a much older brother, whether as a guide to his professional achievements or as his emotional support or as an advisor in matters of everyday life.

The system of the Dayabhaga property in Bengal has perhaps something to do with the power of the sister in the family. In this system, unlike in the Mitakshara followed all through the Northern and central India, the man inherits property as a member of the undivided Hindu family. In Dayabhaga, the man inherits his property as an individual member of the family. This helps a man in Dayabhaga to be more in control of his property and choose his legatees. This is how girls in Bengal have sometimes benefitted through their fathers; the idea of the father’s girls is more common in Bengal than anywhere else. The position of the girl is marginally better here and domestic violence is more possible at her in-laws than within her father’s family, though food deprivation, burden of household chores and care of younger siblings are very much a part of a girl’s unmarried life. Property rights are crucial to gender powers; the crux of cultural differences may well lie in the customs defining the property matters and in Bengal, since laws relating to inheritance are slightly tilted in favour of the girl, she has more power to pray for her male siblings.

Bhai phnota like Deepavali falls in the bleak phase of the moon. The nights are as yet deathly dark and Yama, the God of Death, stalks around looking for his prey. On bhoot chaturdashi, lamps are lit and choddo shaak is consumed like Popeye’s spinach that is supposed to make us immortal. Then on the darkest night we light lamps and make noise through crackers to scare away Yama; sometimes at Kalipuja we catch hold of his vahana, the buffalo, and chop his head off to dislodge its rider. Finally on bhai phnota day the sister emerges, for it is only she who through her powers and prowess can negotiate with Yama and suggests that he seek shelter in Yamuna, his sister, because after all that bursting of crackers, slaying his buffalo and lighting of the lamps of life, sure Yama’s life is in danger. Only with the sister’s fortification can Yama, the Lord of Death, be saved.

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When Dance Is Beyond Creation …

I seem to find Soumita Bhattacharya, on my list of Facebook friends, an interesting person. When she invited me to view some of her creations showcased in a modern dance form, I agreed readily. Soumita’s husband is called Soumit, a rarity to find namesakes in a married couple, and they are dedicated photographers who specialize in shooting various kinds of dance forms. Soumit is more inclined towards classical dance while Soumita has a penchant for modern and improvized dances. Sadhya, a group based in Delhi was the subject of their still photos and it was to a live show of Sadhya’s dance that I went to.

Modern dances are not always easy to follow and especially when they are so highly stylized as in the avant garde. Sadhya’s creation called Chaitanya is a modernized version of the Chhau dance of Mayurbhanj area and strongly resembles all dances that are basically born out of forms of martial art, including the Tai Chi. I happened to visit Sri Lanka, thanks to Mahalakshmi, an associate professor of ancient history in JNU, where I saw the Kandy dance. Tagore wrote about the Kandy dance decrying it as being excessively physical and lacking in finer sublimities as perhaps his favourite form, the Manipuri has.

I saw deep similarities between the Chhau and the Kandy dance and why not because the present population of Lanka are migrants from eastern and central India. A look at Soumita and Soumit’s photos helped me to understand why the two forms of dances seemed so similar to me because both essentially evoked sensations of watching birds in flight. The flying bird was the central motif in these dances and dancers jumped, fell, rolled over, glided and slided all across the stage with violence, I noticed how silently they raised and released their weight. Such a vigorous movements and yet so noiseless !!! It is easy to see the level of control that the dancers have over their bodies.

The still photos by Soumita and Soumit, under their brand Art Imagerie are astounding. Rarely have I seen stills that convey so much of movement and flight. Usually photos of dance forms are of motions that have come to a standstill and appear as frozen moments. But these photos produce a strange feeling of a state of frozenness from which action will emanate at any moment of time and creates an eager anticipation of movement. Each pose has a sense of levitation, floatation and totally detached from any kind of centre or origin. I was wondering how the actual performance of these dances would look on stage and I realized that I was in for a rather different experience.

To viewers like me who tend to classify all kinds of visual experiences into neat categories, this particular dance of Sadhya fell neither into the classical nor into the folk form. I tend to look at classical dance as one in which the performer, usually a lone one, centres herself on the stage and brings into her location the forces of the Universe floating around her. In case of a folk dance, usually conducted in a group, the dancers move around the centre invoking the laws of the Universe into this empty space. In either case, whether through the body of the dancer or through the empty space created as being surrounded by a group of dancers, the forces of the Universe descend on to and anchor themselves on the earth. The movement is therefore from the ether to the earth and sometimes, in the very intense forms, into the nether. The interesting variation of the improvised dance forms wherever they are performed, is that the movement is from the earth into the ether, into floatation, levitating in the empty space defying and eventually free from gravity. Sadhya’s performance was in this vein.

The dancers moved sometimes swiftly, sometimes idly, sometimes in slow motion and sometimes cracked with the speed of lightening, but always noiselessly in utter silence. The movements were irregular as if the bodies were free floating particles in the vast space of nothingness. The dancers moved about with deadpan expressions seeing nothing, feeling nothing, as if they were souls of persons released from the world and floating about homelessly sometimes coming together and sometime drifting away, without a pattern or a design as if in a kaleidoscope and totally without any bodily sensations. The dissociation of movement from rhythm ensured that the dance had nothing to do with the world of the living or with Existence at large. I wondered why the production was called Chaitanya because all the while the creation wanted to move past anything that had to do with the human body and surely consciousness was not a feature of a disembodied soul.

The appeal of Sadhya’s production lies in its utter dissociation from anything to do with our existence. It is not even transcendence because it has no reckoning of what is to be transcended. It is the darkness of the space, the nothingness before creation and the emptiness after it. Sadhya is thus a total darkness, gravity-lessness, beyond light, beyond sound, beyond life and beyond Creation. The black and white costumes heighten this sense of emptiness and with a music and lighting to go with it; one moves into a world of extra ethereal senselessness, much of what is described as Brahma, or Time, or the Darkness of origin stories.

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Unripe Guava

I love February in Kolkata. The air is free from the dull smog of winter; sunshine is in the hue of pale gold, the sky is floroscent blue and everything around me is sprightly. The evenings come with mauve sunsets and the light breeze from the south, cool but not cold bringing with it the familiar fragrances of flowering plants. This is a time that makes me feel free and weightless, rid of shawls and cardigans but not yet sweating and puffing. The mid mornings of February also come with unripe guavas; vendors come from the districts around Kolkata bringing with them crisp green guavas, with a tinge of sour but sweet around the seeds. They are as juicy as leeches and as crisp as biscuits. The vendors keep a knife and black salt to cut and dress the guavas and serve them on young sal leaves or the broader leaves of the guava plant. I have a guava each on my way from home to the destinations of my visitations and on my way back.

No wonder then, when I was visiting home this February I too swooped over a guava vendor and immediately instructed him to prepare or me a piece of unripe guava, the best one in his lot according to my judgment. He promptly obliged and calling me as “Kakima”, he swiftly wiped the fruit and cut it and held it towards me with a dash of black salt. I resent the term Kakima, which literally means the wife of a father’s younger brother. Since I am never married I resent he assumption that my imagined husband should be the younger brother of the vendor’s father. A mashima or a pishima which are marriage neutral epithets are safer, but Kolkatans assume each woman of my age to be the wife of a man. Usually I fight and argue because I feel that stereotypes must be resisted, no matter how much small the effort is. But today I could not speak much because the sight of a basket full of luscious fruits was making my mouth water involuntarily.

I held out a ten rupee note towards the vendor. He took it and extended his palm for another tenner. Why? What is the weight of the guava? Is it not merely a poya (pau, or a a quarter kilo)? Yes, it is Kakima, the vendor replied. But unripe guava is selling at Rs 80 a kilo!! I felt the earth beneath my feet give way. Guavas selling at Rs 80 a kilo? The poor man’s mango? The fruit that is meant to be stolen and eaten by street urchins in the quiet soporific afternoons, the fruit which is neither offered to Gods nor to guests because of its low status as it panders to palettes of the young; that fruit now selling in the price of gold? Where do you get stuff from which you have to sell so expensive? The wholesellers, the vendor tells me are the ones who jack prices up. Crop has not been good, he informs me. What rubbish !! I have just been around the Jharkhand and Orissa and I can see a surfeit of food crops? Who says that there has been a crop failure? Its only the television that sometimes says that there is enough food and sometimes worries about declining food production.

My mind went back to the little picturesque villages in Orissa, presently under the wave of Maoist violence. I have seen guavas grow and sell at less than Rs 5 a kilo, tomatoes have sold for as low as 50 paisa. The Adivasis are looking for ways and means to sell their produce but never finding an access to the markets. They are trying to save their crops by trying to process them and even in the little processing that they have done, the farmers have only lost out. Free market is not faceless; it is a social network jealously guarded by vested interests and entry into the fold of its automatically equilibrating invisible hands is guarded by the invisible web of interests that allow only some to pass through the filters of privileged participation in the markets. To access the free market and make the impersonal free market forces work requires something else, namely political power. Politics, that the neo-liberal state keeps away as something totally as a force outside of the economy, is secretly the one which is shaping economies. Unseen to us, prices of food grains are going up astronomically because political power is now flowing from a small band of hoarders and speculators using food stuff to speculate and make huge gains for themselves.

The neo-liberal state is an unapologetic upholder of the rich and plays development against democracy in order to neutralize political opposition to its own brand of apolitical politics which allows the rich to get richer. Hoarding and speculating against food stuff is one way of making quick profits and indeed the hoarders are having a field day in the so-called Maoist areas starving farmers by forcing them to sell their produce at abysmally low prices and then controlling supplies to make prices for the retail market reach sky high. The surplus produce namely the quantity which remains with the hoarder after he relinquishes some for the customers is sold in bulk to the food processors like Kissan, or Druk or even Maggi. No wonder then food processing becomes cheap in India and attracts FDIs here. All of this is at the cost of a starving farmer and a starved customer, both of who will now find tomato sauce cheaper than fresh tomatoes and potato chips cheaper than farm grown potatoes. This explains why though food is becoming dearer, fast food is getting affordable; the falling prices of ice cream are a case in the point. Marie Antoniette’s dictum finally seems to be getting on; if the people cannot afford bread, then why not have cakes. Cakes, today, paradoxically are cheaper than bread and this is because the cake maker is more powerful than the producer of bread.

When we look at food processing, the industrialization of food stuff is allowed to become more prosperous than the producer of fresh food, we also have to look at yet another reason for allowing farmers to starve. The more farming becomes unprofitable, the more land the farmer will be willing to sell to real estate and resort developers. For years preceding the plan to develop Rajarhat, or Pailan, or Raichak or Nayachar, or Singur and Lalgarh, the operators in the wholesale markets have refused to lift produce from the farmers of these lands. The food speculators are in unison with the land mafia and indeed one is doubling up as the other. Bengal is the land of Ispahani, the man who almost single-handedly brought about the Great Bengal Famine of 1943 through the hoarding of food grains. Real estate markets, food insecurity and FDI into food processing, retail marketing of food and fast food chains together with a change in culture and television ads constitute the reason why most of us should be starving to help a few to make more profits.

I turned towards home with heavy steps and a heavier heart, the unripe guavas tasting like mud in my mouth. Just around Ranee’s home, I see a young woman squatting on the pavement obviously tired from walking. With her are her two infant sons, with a begging bowl and dressed in mourning clothes. Kakima, the older one says, can you help us? My father had died. How did he die I ask him? What did he do? I learn that the father was a bidi worker, casual labour, died out of malnutrition, no ration cards, could not afford to rent out a place in the city, traveled from the suburbs and collapsed out of exhaustion. The smaller boy was more innocent and therefore seemed relatively unhurt by the catastrophe that has struck the family. Can you give me a piece of the guava? I shrank back and clutched on to my buy with jealousy. No, not this, this is only one piece and I have many people to share this with. Sorry, I cannot help you with guavas. I had a chocolate in my pocket, here, boy, take this, it will help you stay filled up for a little while more. Share it with your brother. The older boy did not want the chocolate, he only said its fine Kakima, let him have it, I am not hungry.

As the boys moved into the shade where the mother was seated, I found a picture – the poster of Deewar !!! The two orphaned boys with a mother who was still shell shocked and had not donned the widow’s clothes as yet, helpless, shelterless and hungry. And yet the unripe guavas, on sleepy afternoons of the early spring were meant to be theirs, to be plucked by throwing stones and then to be chased by the grandma in the house and then they would flee but not without the booty. The real estate has broken homes to make buildings and with that taken away the trees that were as much a part of the homestead as the people were. With them have disappeared the innocence and prosperity of sleepy afternoons of spring in Kolkata and so have the unripe guavas from the platter of the young boys and girls. The richer can still buy them though their mothers insist that they eat a chocolate or a cake, or sometimes chewing a bubble gum is more in their way of thinking and tastes.

As I saw the two bereaved boys and their mother exhausted with despair, I sensed the older boy already taking over the burden from the other two, already in the process of becoming the breadwinner of the family, entering the world of child labour fighting abuse and exploitation all the way, to earn for his brother what he hankered from me, on this glorious noon of spring, a piece of an unripe guava.

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Wafting Grass Reeds In The Eastern Breeze – Trinamool in Bengal

Mamata Banerjee is the image that till recently no Bengali wanted. She was plain, undecorated, unrefined and unchaperoned. She had almost no social background, hailed from a family of East Bengal refugees, stayed in a hutment off Kalighat, unmarried with little possibility of her being attractive to men and without a Godfather in a tow. She was cantankerous, often holding up logical political processes, calling frequent bandhs and disrupting normal life, resigning from Ministries, leaving work unfinished, not attending office or attending the same on her sweet will and showing almost no ideological path to her politics. She was an anathema to Bengal’s sophisticated women because she was so un-feminine and she was hated by men because she gave an impression of being one with whom no deal was possible. No young person found in her a role model worthy following and the poor in the city shied away from her because her contacts fetched them nothing. Yet, Mamata rose and what a rise !!

Mamata’s clout among Delhi politicians is rising and her roots in Bengal are certainly spreading but what is interesting is that as a Bengali residing in the NCR, my value has risen due to “Mamtadidi.” Retrenched workers from Okhla factory, displaced persons from Faridabad slums, harassed Dalits from the neighbouring slums and Bengali migrant workers from occupied commons of the suburbs come to me to ask me to write that one letter to Didi. The faith they have in Mamata as the messiah of the poor is unmistakeable and unflinching. This is the sole reason why she has attracted one segment of Bengal so endearingly, namely the Bhadralok, or what we would know as the Bengali intelligentsia.

Mamata’s resurgence in Bengal begins with Singur. A few villages in Singur block was recently acquired by the Tatas for their car factory, namely the Nano. Most farmers in Singur willingly sold land to the Tatas who offered them generous rates at one and a half times the market value, if not more. But a microscopic minority resisted this forceful acquisition. It was this minority that Mamata suddenly turned to and supported and said that no farmer should be forced to give up land. Interestingly, in Singur Mamata’s struggle had little chance because most farmers had shrinking size of plot holdings that had commendable productivity but in gross terms yielded incomes that would not support their growing prosperity into the middle class. Singur is perhaps India’s most fertile agricultural tract and is fully irrigated and the farmers who had land there obtained a fast track to prosperity and now naturally wanted more money which the division of land over generations could no longer give them. Farming was good but it had lost the ability to deliver more, hence the sale of farm land at rates of city land was a windfall opportunity for the farmers to fund their air conditioners, vitrified tiles and Bolero and Honda Civic !! Besides the Tatas, who are almost like a public sector employee, promised jobs and contracts for civil work and other supplies!! Tatas looked like Godsend and almost no farmer in Singur was to let go of this opportunity. But a few resisted; the few who would easily lose out in numbers in a democracy based on majority politics and hence in the equations of the ballot. Besides everyone in Bengal was tired of the stagnation and badly wanted industrialization and development. Taking up the cause of only a few farmers would have surely been looked upon as an anti-industry politics invoking the wrath of the poor and the civil society alike. Yet, Mamata took on a battle that then seemed to be lost on all fronts. For once, the angry young woman, neither organized nor strategized seemed to take up a cause because she believed in it and not because of the gains it promised her. Her abruptness for once appeared to be free from personal ambitions, she seemed to have return to the days when one fought for beliefs and not for voter calculus.

What Mamata fought was not agriculture versus industry. She fought a simple case, whether a person has a right to livelihood as a self employed when there is no alternative employment for her in the future. Her fight raised several questions, which, I am sure that even Mamata Banerjee has little capability to understand in its complete significance. Her fight raised the issue of farmers leaving farming for pursuit of higher incomes and in this effort, selling off land as real estate. The shrinking food output of the country and its rising prices are definite issues for the non food producing respectable middle class. Bengal, which has known the famine has grown to fear food scarcity and the Tatas acquisition of the country’s most fertile and fully irrigated tract raised eyebrows on whether our best lands should sacrificed for the sake of private profits of the Tatas. As Mamata suggested that the Tatas take the unirrigated tract on the other side of the road and the Tatas steadfastly refused, she helped the Bengali middle class intelligentsia to see for themselves the true face of the greedy capitalist who does not care where from the food for the common man comes. In getting caught between two sets of farmers, a majority who wanted the Tatas to move in and the other that wanted to farm on, Mamata revealed the preciousness of the minority of farmers who were still willing to grow food for us and the shortsightedness of those who were willing to abandon farming because of their greed for easy money. Her fight for Singur fed on two important qualities of the Bengali psyche, the fear of famine and the hate of private large capital.

As farmers in Singur protested it was revealed that many among them were erstwhile industrial workers who would like to hold on to land as their future security. The identity of the unwilling farmers as being retrenched workers flied in the face of the assertion that industry creates jobs. Bengal can never be told that industry means employment for sitting in each household is at least one member who was employed but is now idle. But farming, something that the Bengali bhadralok has never done emerged in their eyes as the only security against future uncertainties. In the wave of uncertainty and high inflation era of our neo-liberal politics, the small huddle of farmers clinging to their only security, a tiny piece of garden land and ramshackle homestead suddenly became a metaphor of our predicament of being hemmed in from all sides by mindless corporatization of the world that lured us as consumers but did not employ us so that we had salaries to consume the goods that they produced. Suddenly, Mamata’s politics revealed this grand paradox.

Bengal has always been oppositional and critical, defiant and disobedient. So long for 33 years the CPI(M) was doing a fine job in the ever ending maanchhi na maanbo na. But when the time came to deliver they fell upon the old path of promoting mindless capitalists who looked more like the East India Company seeking farmans and zamindari rights rather than entrepreneurs producing, employing and delivering. In this change of direction, the CPI(M) made many friends in the dreaded and villainous Marwaris as the Neotias and Todis came out from nowhere into headily building assets and displacing people at will. In the case of Rizwanur, a Bengali respectable middle class person who unfortunately married a Todi girl, the industrialist had him killed. The poor investigations revealed that the government protected not its electorate but a few powerful Mammons. Mamata Banerjee fed on this hate as she supported Rizwanur and those in Singur who were unwilling to give up land. She seemed to be on the side of those who the media makes invisible and hence is believed as not existing.

Mamata’s politics showed up a secret divide between the people at large and the few initiators of corporatization. She was successful in puncturing the neo-liberal politics of the country with at least some semblance of a coherent critique. The Bengali Bhadralok’s rise as a moral power has always been this critique and Mamata helped to find a language for the intelligentsia. It is a matter of speculation whether the CPI(M) could have gone unchallenged without the rise of Mamata. To the best of my understanding, I think that they could have. The CPI(M) has not only monopolized politics but also culture and economics. Not only Parliament, assembly and seats of local governance were monopolized by them, but contracts for construction or civil supplies, jobs in government schools and colleges, awards and accolades, cultural functions and creative endeavours were monopolized by them. The Bengali intelligentsia crashed under this weight of consensus; for no critique was allowed against the ruling party. Mamata’s politics has given back this air of freedom in thought and belief, of speech and pen and no wonder the culturally inclined and critically sensitive Bhadralok has taken to her as a breath of fresh air that the early easterly breeze often brings in the hot evenings of the month of Jyestha. In the Bengali language we call it the Pubali.

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Kh(y)ap(a) Panchayat

The word khyapa in Bengali means eccentric. It does not mean insane for that is a strong word. The khyapa is more unpredictable, given to mood swings and varying responses to familiar stimuli. For a long time I used to think that the Haryanvi term khap signifying the caste is a variation of the Bengali word khyapa. In the recent agitation of the khap panchayats in Haryana my consternations about the meaning of the term seem vindicated. The caste panchayat has openly desired a change in the Hindu marriage act in which they wish to debar the same gotra marriage. Gotra is an imaginary line of descent from a sage in unspecified antiquity and constitutes an internal division within the same caste groups. The banning of gotra marriages were instituted to limit in-breeding that caste marriages seemed to be promoting. In a way the banning of same gotra marriage is to encourage some kind of an inter group marriages that intra caste marriages belied. While the reason for promoting diversity in marriage is appreciated, what one cannot really appreciate is the fact that the idea of the gotra is imaginary with no empirical basis. Truer to the spirit of science would then have been an active encouragement of inter caste marriage that would help genuine diversity of genetic properties among the population and not ideas of cross breeding that emanate out of ahistorical and mythological imaginations.
India’s Freedom Movement is the largest mass movement that the modern world has ever seen. This movement was largely non-violent and almost universally participative. What made this Freedom Struggle so universal was that it encouraged individuals to rise against whatever form of oppression she found. Thus women sought freedom from male domination, the youth asserted against the old, the Dalit rose against the upper caste, peasants fought zamindars, workers asserted against the mill owners, and in short people rose against every kind of oppression to find for themselves a space for individual rights and choices. Thus more than a mere political anti-incumbency or a cultural assertion, the Freedom Struggle was also embroiled in removing social oppression that a long and unbroken tradition had foisted on the people. Modernity was therefore looked upon as an intrinsic part of political freedom in which individual rights were protected under the aegis of the modern state based upon principles of equality, liberty and rationality. The guarantee of individual rights was the promise that attracted huge participation in the Freedom Struggle.
Contrary to the neat conceptualization of Indian tradition being social and not individualistic, we have enough evidence within the Indian culture that individualism occupied as central a place in the Indian thought as did its society. God’s own sermon in the Bhagavadgita extols Arjuna to treat family ties as a mere illusion; Gautam Buddha is lauded for leaving behind his family in pursuit of a greater good, Nanak, Meera and Kabir are admired for their utter indifference to the social mores of their times. Modernity promised to release the individual from the stranglehold from social oppression and Freedom Struggle and the consequent democracy promised that liberty. Modernity, as a guarantee of individual freedom was a logical conclusion of the Indian tradition and its enshrinement in the rule of law alone explains why India despite its social cleavages and inequalities continues to be a robust democracy.
But the project of modernity that originated in the West is not only confined to individual liberty. It entails a certain homogenization of the world through a priori ideas of perfection and is contemptuous of variety and diversity. Also what modernity of the West does not support is the existence of alternatives methods of development, scientific inquiry, technology, knowledge and reason. This is why modernist projects in the name of heavy industries, laboratory produced seeds, mineral intensive energy sources, consumerist culture have displaced, marginalized, impoverished and alienated people. We have huge tribal resistance raging all across the country, the north eastern states are up in arms, Kashmir wants autonomy and indeed the silent rage of nature in the form of climate change only points out at the contradictions of the modernity project. Here, as a way of economics and a theory of development, modernity must be contained within limits. But to also contest individual liberty along with that is to homogenize and package the critique of modernity in the same way as modernity itself. It is a failure of intellectuals like Ashis Nandy who feel that individual liberty can be compromised in order to neatly fit into an anti-modernist critique against displacing development.
One of the problems of the Western notion of modernity is the co-option of the individual by the State and hence the erosion and eventual disappearance of the civil society. The civil society becomes vital when there is a need to check the march of the modern state. The modern state becomes wholly powerful on two counts; one because it attempts to fully own the individual and the other because of the essential Kantianism of modernity, it issues rules and diktats according to conceptual neatness rather than being receptive to the variations and uniqueness of ground realities. The civil society does two things to contain the unopposed march of the modern state – one, it rescues the individual from the stranglehold of the state and its blind laws and the other it proposes alternatives to the homogenizing policies of the state, alternatives that are more in sync with the ground realities. In either case, a critique of modernity does not propose to bring back as institutions of civil society those associations and congregations that have as their project the curtailment of individual freedom of choice and association.
The khap Panchayat is not an innocent association who believe in the benefits of the yoga or in the aural power of eclipses, the beliefs of the Khap Panchayat have significant outcomes for individual freedom in particular and social freedom in general. By raising issues of gotra marriage, the Khap brings back into legitimacy, the sources of those texts of Manu that also suggest caste, entrapment of women as property of men and in short, those very discourses of social oppression that the Freedom Struggle fought against and won. Therefore, supporting any and every kind of association in the name of democratic freedom is not democracy, for an important quality of democracy is one in which every institution, association, policy, law, rule and verdict must have at its core the final non-negotiable, individual freedom and equality of opportunity.
The intellectuals who condone violence but allow for the freedom of association of Talibanish associations like the Khap Panchayat seem to treat violence as a stand alone social fact. Physical violence is not a distinct entity, it is an overflow of mental violence and associations that seek to violate the individual’s freedom of choice and right to assert for equality of opportunity. Therefore, it is essential that to check physical violence, mental violence should be checked too. If there are perversions in thought like the enforcement of the caste superstitions then such perversions must be curtailed so that these do not manifest in actual physical violence. Democracy is not unchallenged freedom of thought and action; it allows for freedom only when it does not curtail the actual freedom of others in the sense of exercise of social choices and access of equal opportunities in the empirical world. Democracy may allow a Hussain to paint Indian Goddesses in the nude and it should also allow a Muslim author to lamblast the Holy Quoran; it should allow an intellectual to air her observations about pre marital sex, such opinions do not stand in the way of other individuals wanting to marry someone of her choice or taking up residence in a city of her desire or pursuing a profession that suits her penchant. In such harmless pursuits of the mind that constitutes a genuine freedom of thought and expression can we have a democracy without a thought police but in cases where vicious thoughts imagine the control of human freedom, policing may be needed as crucially as in case of a riot or abuse, or of domestic violence.
My question is why is it that the intellectuals like Ashis Nandy and Madhu Kishawar and politicians like Naveen Jindal are so eager to gloss over the difference between a people’s demands for genuine freedom like universal education, or health care or freedom from Dalit oppression and pandering to regressive sentiments like the caste? The stance of such intellectuals and politicians bring into my mind a familiar picture, that of a guilt ridden mother who because of her own engagements with her career neglects her child and as a means of overcompensating the child gives in to unreasonable demands. Let there be no confusion that the present state of neoliberal consensus leaves more and more people out of its participative space and one of the ways to distract people away from the failures of neo liberalism is to cast at them various cultural products like spectacular sport, reality TV shows, dramatic news, tear jerking serials, scandals of politicians and celebrity mongering. Such products like the chess board of Shatranj ke Khilari of Premchand create in the minds of people the semblance of reality in which one can participate with the same gusto as one would do in any instance of reality. Only the reality is so controlled by a few corporations and celebrities that it leaves no scope for the individuals to participate in it. Hence, various games of engagement are provided to the people to keep them busy and subservient to a state that has clearly decided to ignore the people. The “people” are then reached through their worst afflictions – vigilantism, vengefulness and vendetta, whether in the form of the Khap, or the Taliban, or just a public outcry demanding death for some Pakistani bomber.

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