Bhai Phnota

Bhaiyer kopaale dilam phnota,

Jomer duare porlo knaata,

Jomuna deye Jomke phnota

Ami diy aamaar bhaike phnota.

This was the montro that we had to say as we put a phnota of chondon, kaajal and ghee on our brother’s foreheads. If the brother was older then we touched his feet, and if he was younger then he touched our feet. But on all cases, the sister would do a aashirbaad, irrespective of the age of the brother with dhaan and dubbo. Gifts were exchanged often of equal value; Re 1, Rs 2, a chocolate, a comic of Amar Chitra Katha or a ladybird fairy tale. That was all. Gifts were supposed to emerge out of pocket money. When brothers grew up and sisters got married, gifts could be unequal, each according to his or her capability, no competition, no matching up to each other.

My girl cousin, Jhumi used to often feel upset at the way a special ashon was laid for the boys, with food offered to them by the side of a lit oil lamp. Why bhaiphnota and why not bon phnota she would ask? The rest of the girls would nod to her rebellious assertions that sisters too should be pampered but none really questioned the ceremony. The menu of radha ballabhi and aloo dam followed by vegetable chop and mishti were too preoccupying and then we got involved in the opening up gifts to discover all favourite stuff among the simple pencils, pencil boxes, note books, hanky sets and so on. Bhai phnota was the modest, tapered off finale to the Durga pujo vacations for us, preparing us mentally to be at school the following morning.

 Bhai phnota is not raakhi. They are rather different festivals. In raakhi, a sister asks the brother to protect her. In the medieval traditions of India, the job of protecting a woman was done by the brother and not the hero, as in the Hindi film formula influenced from the West. In bhai phnota the sister prays for her brother’s life; she prays to Jom (Yama) to spare her brother by asking him to think of Jomuna, his sister. The sister equates herself with Jomuna and appeals to Jom to see her in the same way. Bhai phnota is not the helpless cry of the sister to her brother s as in raakhi. In raakhi, the sister must seek the brother, even if she does not have one, she must look for one. In bhai phnota, quite the contrary happens. It is the brother who must find the sister for she alone can negotiate directly with Jom by citing all kinds of parallels with Jomuna and so on.

The structure of bhai phnota emanates out of Bengal’s tradition of women as saviours. As Behula, she becomes capable of negotiating with Monosha that her newlywed husband, Lokhinder be resurrected. As Khona, she sees far ahead into the future when clouds would seed rain. As Saratchandra’s heroines she feeds the hungry, chaperons the victim of his father’s wrath, and does justice to the wronged. As the heroine of Meghe Dhaka Taara, she pulls her family out of the abyss of dislocation through Partition. Women as mothers and sisters have always been capable of protection; they have the ability to organize the bachelor’s world. Mother’s can organize tiffin, wait outside schools and tuition centres for eternity, then bring the child back feeding him bananas or sandesh on the way back; they are the ones who pray for us to pass in examinations that we have not studied for. Sisters are the ones who seem to be organizing a brother’s life for him, putting his things in place, filling up his forms, getting his papers photocopied, buying his tickets on the net, picking him up from the railways stations, dropping him to the airports, the Bengali sister has done it all. If she happens to be an older sister, then the brother gets the bonus of a mother in her and can drop in anytime for meals, ask her to fetch things for him, to get his income tax papers in order and even talk to her contacts to secure for him some opportunities of employment and self employment. Most of the times, the sister hails a taxi, asks for directions on the road and negotiates with authorities in case of any transgress of law that the brother has done.

The sister as a protector of the brother in the ritual of the bhai phnota is only a formal acknowledgment of her role as her brother’s savior and not the other way round as it is in raakhi. The sister in the rituals of bhai phnota is assumed to be older because she does the aashirbaad irrespective of whether she touches his feet or he touches hers in the end. The sister in raakhi is always essentially younger, irrespective of her order of birth because the brother is her protector. The brother by the fact of his gender is a senior in raakhi; in bhai phnota, the feminine gender is assumed to be the senior. In Manna Dey’s famous song, Shey Amar Chhotobon, the younger sister is portrayed as all round support to a much older brother, whether as a guide to his professional achievements or as his emotional support or as an advisor in matters of everyday life.

The system of the Dayabhaga property in Bengal has perhaps something to do with the power of the sister in the family. In this system, unlike in the Mitakshara followed all through the Northern and central India, the man inherits property as a member of the undivided Hindu family. In Dayabhaga, the man inherits his property as an individual member of the family. This helps a man in Dayabhaga to be more in control of his property and choose his legatees. This is how girls in Bengal have sometimes benefitted through their fathers; the idea of the father’s girls is more common in Bengal than anywhere else. The position of the girl is marginally better here and domestic violence is more possible at her in-laws than within her father’s family, though food deprivation, burden of household chores and care of younger siblings are very much a part of a girl’s unmarried life. Property rights are crucial to gender powers; the crux of cultural differences may well lie in the customs defining the property matters and in Bengal, since laws relating to inheritance are slightly tilted in favour of the girl, she has more power to pray for her male siblings.

Bhai phnota like Deepavali falls in the bleak phase of the moon. The nights are as yet deathly dark and Yama, the God of Death, stalks around looking for his prey. On bhoot chaturdashi, lamps are lit and choddo shaak is consumed like Popeye’s spinach that is supposed to make us immortal. Then on the darkest night we light lamps and make noise through crackers to scare away Yama; sometimes at Kalipuja we catch hold of his vahana, the buffalo, and chop his head off to dislodge its rider. Finally on bhai phnota day the sister emerges, for it is only she who through her powers and prowess can negotiate with Yama and suggests that he seek shelter in Yamuna, his sister, because after all that bursting of crackers, slaying his buffalo and lighting of the lamps of life, sure Yama’s life is in danger. Only with the sister’s fortification can Yama, the Lord of Death, be saved.

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When Dance Is Beyond Creation …

I seem to find Soumita Bhattacharya, on my list of Facebook friends, an interesting person. When she invited me to view some of her creations showcased in a modern dance form, I agreed readily. Soumita’s husband is called Soumit, a rarity to find namesakes in a married couple, and they are dedicated photographers who specialize in shooting various kinds of dance forms. Soumit is more inclined towards classical dance while Soumita has a penchant for modern and improvized dances. Sadhya, a group based in Delhi was the subject of their still photos and it was to a live show of Sadhya’s dance that I went to.

Modern dances are not always easy to follow and especially when they are so highly stylized as in the avant garde. Sadhya’s creation called Chaitanya is a modernized version of the Chhau dance of Mayurbhanj area and strongly resembles all dances that are basically born out of forms of martial art, including the Tai Chi. I happened to visit Sri Lanka, thanks to Mahalakshmi, an associate professor of ancient history in JNU, where I saw the Kandy dance. Tagore wrote about the Kandy dance decrying it as being excessively physical and lacking in finer sublimities as perhaps his favourite form, the Manipuri has.

I saw deep similarities between the Chhau and the Kandy dance and why not because the present population of Lanka are migrants from eastern and central India. A look at Soumita and Soumit’s photos helped me to understand why the two forms of dances seemed so similar to me because both essentially evoked sensations of watching birds in flight. The flying bird was the central motif in these dances and dancers jumped, fell, rolled over, glided and slided all across the stage with violence, I noticed how silently they raised and released their weight. Such a vigorous movements and yet so noiseless !!! It is easy to see the level of control that the dancers have over their bodies.

The still photos by Soumita and Soumit, under their brand Art Imagerie are astounding. Rarely have I seen stills that convey so much of movement and flight. Usually photos of dance forms are of motions that have come to a standstill and appear as frozen moments. But these photos produce a strange feeling of a state of frozenness from which action will emanate at any moment of time and creates an eager anticipation of movement. Each pose has a sense of levitation, floatation and totally detached from any kind of centre or origin. I was wondering how the actual performance of these dances would look on stage and I realized that I was in for a rather different experience.

To viewers like me who tend to classify all kinds of visual experiences into neat categories, this particular dance of Sadhya fell neither into the classical nor into the folk form. I tend to look at classical dance as one in which the performer, usually a lone one, centres herself on the stage and brings into her location the forces of the Universe floating around her. In case of a folk dance, usually conducted in a group, the dancers move around the centre invoking the laws of the Universe into this empty space. In either case, whether through the body of the dancer or through the empty space created as being surrounded by a group of dancers, the forces of the Universe descend on to and anchor themselves on the earth. The movement is therefore from the ether to the earth and sometimes, in the very intense forms, into the nether. The interesting variation of the improvised dance forms wherever they are performed, is that the movement is from the earth into the ether, into floatation, levitating in the empty space defying and eventually free from gravity. Sadhya’s performance was in this vein.

The dancers moved sometimes swiftly, sometimes idly, sometimes in slow motion and sometimes cracked with the speed of lightening, but always noiselessly in utter silence. The movements were irregular as if the bodies were free floating particles in the vast space of nothingness. The dancers moved about with deadpan expressions seeing nothing, feeling nothing, as if they were souls of persons released from the world and floating about homelessly sometimes coming together and sometime drifting away, without a pattern or a design as if in a kaleidoscope and totally without any bodily sensations. The dissociation of movement from rhythm ensured that the dance had nothing to do with the world of the living or with Existence at large. I wondered why the production was called Chaitanya because all the while the creation wanted to move past anything that had to do with the human body and surely consciousness was not a feature of a disembodied soul.

The appeal of Sadhya’s production lies in its utter dissociation from anything to do with our existence. It is not even transcendence because it has no reckoning of what is to be transcended. It is the darkness of the space, the nothingness before creation and the emptiness after it. Sadhya is thus a total darkness, gravity-lessness, beyond light, beyond sound, beyond life and beyond Creation. The black and white costumes heighten this sense of emptiness and with a music and lighting to go with it; one moves into a world of extra ethereal senselessness, much of what is described as Brahma, or Time, or the Darkness of origin stories.

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Unripe Guava

I love February in Kolkata. The air is free from the dull smog of winter; sunshine is in the hue of pale gold, the sky is floroscent blue and everything around me is sprightly. The evenings come with mauve sunsets and the light breeze from the south, cool but not cold bringing with it the familiar fragrances of flowering plants. This is a time that makes me feel free and weightless, rid of shawls and cardigans but not yet sweating and puffing. The mid mornings of February also come with unripe guavas; vendors come from the districts around Kolkata bringing with them crisp green guavas, with a tinge of sour but sweet around the seeds. They are as juicy as leeches and as crisp as biscuits. The vendors keep a knife and black salt to cut and dress the guavas and serve them on young sal leaves or the broader leaves of the guava plant. I have a guava each on my way from home to the destinations of my visitations and on my way back.

No wonder then, when I was visiting home this February I too swooped over a guava vendor and immediately instructed him to prepare or me a piece of unripe guava, the best one in his lot according to my judgment. He promptly obliged and calling me as “Kakima”, he swiftly wiped the fruit and cut it and held it towards me with a dash of black salt. I resent the term Kakima, which literally means the wife of a father’s younger brother. Since I am never married I resent he assumption that my imagined husband should be the younger brother of the vendor’s father. A mashima or a pishima which are marriage neutral epithets are safer, but Kolkatans assume each woman of my age to be the wife of a man. Usually I fight and argue because I feel that stereotypes must be resisted, no matter how much small the effort is. But today I could not speak much because the sight of a basket full of luscious fruits was making my mouth water involuntarily.

I held out a ten rupee note towards the vendor. He took it and extended his palm for another tenner. Why? What is the weight of the guava? Is it not merely a poya (pau, or a a quarter kilo)? Yes, it is Kakima, the vendor replied. But unripe guava is selling at Rs 80 a kilo!! I felt the earth beneath my feet give way. Guavas selling at Rs 80 a kilo? The poor man’s mango? The fruit that is meant to be stolen and eaten by street urchins in the quiet soporific afternoons, the fruit which is neither offered to Gods nor to guests because of its low status as it panders to palettes of the young; that fruit now selling in the price of gold? Where do you get stuff from which you have to sell so expensive? The wholesellers, the vendor tells me are the ones who jack prices up. Crop has not been good, he informs me. What rubbish !! I have just been around the Jharkhand and Orissa and I can see a surfeit of food crops? Who says that there has been a crop failure? Its only the television that sometimes says that there is enough food and sometimes worries about declining food production.

My mind went back to the little picturesque villages in Orissa, presently under the wave of Maoist violence. I have seen guavas grow and sell at less than Rs 5 a kilo, tomatoes have sold for as low as 50 paisa. The Adivasis are looking for ways and means to sell their produce but never finding an access to the markets. They are trying to save their crops by trying to process them and even in the little processing that they have done, the farmers have only lost out. Free market is not faceless; it is a social network jealously guarded by vested interests and entry into the fold of its automatically equilibrating invisible hands is guarded by the invisible web of interests that allow only some to pass through the filters of privileged participation in the markets. To access the free market and make the impersonal free market forces work requires something else, namely political power. Politics, that the neo-liberal state keeps away as something totally as a force outside of the economy, is secretly the one which is shaping economies. Unseen to us, prices of food grains are going up astronomically because political power is now flowing from a small band of hoarders and speculators using food stuff to speculate and make huge gains for themselves.

The neo-liberal state is an unapologetic upholder of the rich and plays development against democracy in order to neutralize political opposition to its own brand of apolitical politics which allows the rich to get richer. Hoarding and speculating against food stuff is one way of making quick profits and indeed the hoarders are having a field day in the so-called Maoist areas starving farmers by forcing them to sell their produce at abysmally low prices and then controlling supplies to make prices for the retail market reach sky high. The surplus produce namely the quantity which remains with the hoarder after he relinquishes some for the customers is sold in bulk to the food processors like Kissan, or Druk or even Maggi. No wonder then food processing becomes cheap in India and attracts FDIs here. All of this is at the cost of a starving farmer and a starved customer, both of who will now find tomato sauce cheaper than fresh tomatoes and potato chips cheaper than farm grown potatoes. This explains why though food is becoming dearer, fast food is getting affordable; the falling prices of ice cream are a case in the point. Marie Antoniette’s dictum finally seems to be getting on; if the people cannot afford bread, then why not have cakes. Cakes, today, paradoxically are cheaper than bread and this is because the cake maker is more powerful than the producer of bread.

When we look at food processing, the industrialization of food stuff is allowed to become more prosperous than the producer of fresh food, we also have to look at yet another reason for allowing farmers to starve. The more farming becomes unprofitable, the more land the farmer will be willing to sell to real estate and resort developers. For years preceding the plan to develop Rajarhat, or Pailan, or Raichak or Nayachar, or Singur and Lalgarh, the operators in the wholesale markets have refused to lift produce from the farmers of these lands. The food speculators are in unison with the land mafia and indeed one is doubling up as the other. Bengal is the land of Ispahani, the man who almost single-handedly brought about the Great Bengal Famine of 1943 through the hoarding of food grains. Real estate markets, food insecurity and FDI into food processing, retail marketing of food and fast food chains together with a change in culture and television ads constitute the reason why most of us should be starving to help a few to make more profits.

I turned towards home with heavy steps and a heavier heart, the unripe guavas tasting like mud in my mouth. Just around Ranee’s home, I see a young woman squatting on the pavement obviously tired from walking. With her are her two infant sons, with a begging bowl and dressed in mourning clothes. Kakima, the older one says, can you help us? My father had died. How did he die I ask him? What did he do? I learn that the father was a bidi worker, casual labour, died out of malnutrition, no ration cards, could not afford to rent out a place in the city, traveled from the suburbs and collapsed out of exhaustion. The smaller boy was more innocent and therefore seemed relatively unhurt by the catastrophe that has struck the family. Can you give me a piece of the guava? I shrank back and clutched on to my buy with jealousy. No, not this, this is only one piece and I have many people to share this with. Sorry, I cannot help you with guavas. I had a chocolate in my pocket, here, boy, take this, it will help you stay filled up for a little while more. Share it with your brother. The older boy did not want the chocolate, he only said its fine Kakima, let him have it, I am not hungry.

As the boys moved into the shade where the mother was seated, I found a picture – the poster of Deewar !!! The two orphaned boys with a mother who was still shell shocked and had not donned the widow’s clothes as yet, helpless, shelterless and hungry. And yet the unripe guavas, on sleepy afternoons of the early spring were meant to be theirs, to be plucked by throwing stones and then to be chased by the grandma in the house and then they would flee but not without the booty. The real estate has broken homes to make buildings and with that taken away the trees that were as much a part of the homestead as the people were. With them have disappeared the innocence and prosperity of sleepy afternoons of spring in Kolkata and so have the unripe guavas from the platter of the young boys and girls. The richer can still buy them though their mothers insist that they eat a chocolate or a cake, or sometimes chewing a bubble gum is more in their way of thinking and tastes.

As I saw the two bereaved boys and their mother exhausted with despair, I sensed the older boy already taking over the burden from the other two, already in the process of becoming the breadwinner of the family, entering the world of child labour fighting abuse and exploitation all the way, to earn for his brother what he hankered from me, on this glorious noon of spring, a piece of an unripe guava.

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Wafting Grass Reeds In The Eastern Breeze – Trinamool in Bengal

Mamata Banerjee is the image that till recently no Bengali wanted. She was plain, undecorated, unrefined and unchaperoned. She had almost no social background, hailed from a family of East Bengal refugees, stayed in a hutment off Kalighat, unmarried with little possibility of her being attractive to men and without a Godfather in a tow. She was cantankerous, often holding up logical political processes, calling frequent bandhs and disrupting normal life, resigning from Ministries, leaving work unfinished, not attending office or attending the same on her sweet will and showing almost no ideological path to her politics. She was an anathema to Bengal’s sophisticated women because she was so un-feminine and she was hated by men because she gave an impression of being one with whom no deal was possible. No young person found in her a role model worthy following and the poor in the city shied away from her because her contacts fetched them nothing. Yet, Mamata rose and what a rise !!

Mamata’s clout among Delhi politicians is rising and her roots in Bengal are certainly spreading but what is interesting is that as a Bengali residing in the NCR, my value has risen due to “Mamtadidi.” Retrenched workers from Okhla factory, displaced persons from Faridabad slums, harassed Dalits from the neighbouring slums and Bengali migrant workers from occupied commons of the suburbs come to me to ask me to write that one letter to Didi. The faith they have in Mamata as the messiah of the poor is unmistakeable and unflinching. This is the sole reason why she has attracted one segment of Bengal so endearingly, namely the Bhadralok, or what we would know as the Bengali intelligentsia.

Mamata’s resurgence in Bengal begins with Singur. A few villages in Singur block was recently acquired by the Tatas for their car factory, namely the Nano. Most farmers in Singur willingly sold land to the Tatas who offered them generous rates at one and a half times the market value, if not more. But a microscopic minority resisted this forceful acquisition. It was this minority that Mamata suddenly turned to and supported and said that no farmer should be forced to give up land. Interestingly, in Singur Mamata’s struggle had little chance because most farmers had shrinking size of plot holdings that had commendable productivity but in gross terms yielded incomes that would not support their growing prosperity into the middle class. Singur is perhaps India’s most fertile agricultural tract and is fully irrigated and the farmers who had land there obtained a fast track to prosperity and now naturally wanted more money which the division of land over generations could no longer give them. Farming was good but it had lost the ability to deliver more, hence the sale of farm land at rates of city land was a windfall opportunity for the farmers to fund their air conditioners, vitrified tiles and Bolero and Honda Civic !! Besides the Tatas, who are almost like a public sector employee, promised jobs and contracts for civil work and other supplies!! Tatas looked like Godsend and almost no farmer in Singur was to let go of this opportunity. But a few resisted; the few who would easily lose out in numbers in a democracy based on majority politics and hence in the equations of the ballot. Besides everyone in Bengal was tired of the stagnation and badly wanted industrialization and development. Taking up the cause of only a few farmers would have surely been looked upon as an anti-industry politics invoking the wrath of the poor and the civil society alike. Yet, Mamata took on a battle that then seemed to be lost on all fronts. For once, the angry young woman, neither organized nor strategized seemed to take up a cause because she believed in it and not because of the gains it promised her. Her abruptness for once appeared to be free from personal ambitions, she seemed to have return to the days when one fought for beliefs and not for voter calculus.

What Mamata fought was not agriculture versus industry. She fought a simple case, whether a person has a right to livelihood as a self employed when there is no alternative employment for her in the future. Her fight raised several questions, which, I am sure that even Mamata Banerjee has little capability to understand in its complete significance. Her fight raised the issue of farmers leaving farming for pursuit of higher incomes and in this effort, selling off land as real estate. The shrinking food output of the country and its rising prices are definite issues for the non food producing respectable middle class. Bengal, which has known the famine has grown to fear food scarcity and the Tatas acquisition of the country’s most fertile and fully irrigated tract raised eyebrows on whether our best lands should sacrificed for the sake of private profits of the Tatas. As Mamata suggested that the Tatas take the unirrigated tract on the other side of the road and the Tatas steadfastly refused, she helped the Bengali middle class intelligentsia to see for themselves the true face of the greedy capitalist who does not care where from the food for the common man comes. In getting caught between two sets of farmers, a majority who wanted the Tatas to move in and the other that wanted to farm on, Mamata revealed the preciousness of the minority of farmers who were still willing to grow food for us and the shortsightedness of those who were willing to abandon farming because of their greed for easy money. Her fight for Singur fed on two important qualities of the Bengali psyche, the fear of famine and the hate of private large capital.

As farmers in Singur protested it was revealed that many among them were erstwhile industrial workers who would like to hold on to land as their future security. The identity of the unwilling farmers as being retrenched workers flied in the face of the assertion that industry creates jobs. Bengal can never be told that industry means employment for sitting in each household is at least one member who was employed but is now idle. But farming, something that the Bengali bhadralok has never done emerged in their eyes as the only security against future uncertainties. In the wave of uncertainty and high inflation era of our neo-liberal politics, the small huddle of farmers clinging to their only security, a tiny piece of garden land and ramshackle homestead suddenly became a metaphor of our predicament of being hemmed in from all sides by mindless corporatization of the world that lured us as consumers but did not employ us so that we had salaries to consume the goods that they produced. Suddenly, Mamata’s politics revealed this grand paradox.

Bengal has always been oppositional and critical, defiant and disobedient. So long for 33 years the CPI(M) was doing a fine job in the ever ending maanchhi na maanbo na. But when the time came to deliver they fell upon the old path of promoting mindless capitalists who looked more like the East India Company seeking farmans and zamindari rights rather than entrepreneurs producing, employing and delivering. In this change of direction, the CPI(M) made many friends in the dreaded and villainous Marwaris as the Neotias and Todis came out from nowhere into headily building assets and displacing people at will. In the case of Rizwanur, a Bengali respectable middle class person who unfortunately married a Todi girl, the industrialist had him killed. The poor investigations revealed that the government protected not its electorate but a few powerful Mammons. Mamata Banerjee fed on this hate as she supported Rizwanur and those in Singur who were unwilling to give up land. She seemed to be on the side of those who the media makes invisible and hence is believed as not existing.

Mamata’s politics showed up a secret divide between the people at large and the few initiators of corporatization. She was successful in puncturing the neo-liberal politics of the country with at least some semblance of a coherent critique. The Bengali Bhadralok’s rise as a moral power has always been this critique and Mamata helped to find a language for the intelligentsia. It is a matter of speculation whether the CPI(M) could have gone unchallenged without the rise of Mamata. To the best of my understanding, I think that they could have. The CPI(M) has not only monopolized politics but also culture and economics. Not only Parliament, assembly and seats of local governance were monopolized by them, but contracts for construction or civil supplies, jobs in government schools and colleges, awards and accolades, cultural functions and creative endeavours were monopolized by them. The Bengali intelligentsia crashed under this weight of consensus; for no critique was allowed against the ruling party. Mamata’s politics has given back this air of freedom in thought and belief, of speech and pen and no wonder the culturally inclined and critically sensitive Bhadralok has taken to her as a breath of fresh air that the early easterly breeze often brings in the hot evenings of the month of Jyestha. In the Bengali language we call it the Pubali.

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Kh(y)ap(a) Panchayat

The word khyapa in Bengali means eccentric. It does not mean insane for that is a strong word. The khyapa is more unpredictable, given to mood swings and varying responses to familiar stimuli. For a long time I used to think that the Haryanvi term khap signifying the caste is a variation of the Bengali word khyapa. In the recent agitation of the khap panchayats in Haryana my consternations about the meaning of the term seem vindicated. The caste panchayat has openly desired a change in the Hindu marriage act in which they wish to debar the same gotra marriage. Gotra is an imaginary line of descent from a sage in unspecified antiquity and constitutes an internal division within the same caste groups. The banning of gotra marriages were instituted to limit in-breeding that caste marriages seemed to be promoting. In a way the banning of same gotra marriage is to encourage some kind of an inter group marriages that intra caste marriages belied. While the reason for promoting diversity in marriage is appreciated, what one cannot really appreciate is the fact that the idea of the gotra is imaginary with no empirical basis. Truer to the spirit of science would then have been an active encouragement of inter caste marriage that would help genuine diversity of genetic properties among the population and not ideas of cross breeding that emanate out of ahistorical and mythological imaginations.
India’s Freedom Movement is the largest mass movement that the modern world has ever seen. This movement was largely non-violent and almost universally participative. What made this Freedom Struggle so universal was that it encouraged individuals to rise against whatever form of oppression she found. Thus women sought freedom from male domination, the youth asserted against the old, the Dalit rose against the upper caste, peasants fought zamindars, workers asserted against the mill owners, and in short people rose against every kind of oppression to find for themselves a space for individual rights and choices. Thus more than a mere political anti-incumbency or a cultural assertion, the Freedom Struggle was also embroiled in removing social oppression that a long and unbroken tradition had foisted on the people. Modernity was therefore looked upon as an intrinsic part of political freedom in which individual rights were protected under the aegis of the modern state based upon principles of equality, liberty and rationality. The guarantee of individual rights was the promise that attracted huge participation in the Freedom Struggle.
Contrary to the neat conceptualization of Indian tradition being social and not individualistic, we have enough evidence within the Indian culture that individualism occupied as central a place in the Indian thought as did its society. God’s own sermon in the Bhagavadgita extols Arjuna to treat family ties as a mere illusion; Gautam Buddha is lauded for leaving behind his family in pursuit of a greater good, Nanak, Meera and Kabir are admired for their utter indifference to the social mores of their times. Modernity promised to release the individual from the stranglehold from social oppression and Freedom Struggle and the consequent democracy promised that liberty. Modernity, as a guarantee of individual freedom was a logical conclusion of the Indian tradition and its enshrinement in the rule of law alone explains why India despite its social cleavages and inequalities continues to be a robust democracy.
But the project of modernity that originated in the West is not only confined to individual liberty. It entails a certain homogenization of the world through a priori ideas of perfection and is contemptuous of variety and diversity. Also what modernity of the West does not support is the existence of alternatives methods of development, scientific inquiry, technology, knowledge and reason. This is why modernist projects in the name of heavy industries, laboratory produced seeds, mineral intensive energy sources, consumerist culture have displaced, marginalized, impoverished and alienated people. We have huge tribal resistance raging all across the country, the north eastern states are up in arms, Kashmir wants autonomy and indeed the silent rage of nature in the form of climate change only points out at the contradictions of the modernity project. Here, as a way of economics and a theory of development, modernity must be contained within limits. But to also contest individual liberty along with that is to homogenize and package the critique of modernity in the same way as modernity itself. It is a failure of intellectuals like Ashis Nandy who feel that individual liberty can be compromised in order to neatly fit into an anti-modernist critique against displacing development.
One of the problems of the Western notion of modernity is the co-option of the individual by the State and hence the erosion and eventual disappearance of the civil society. The civil society becomes vital when there is a need to check the march of the modern state. The modern state becomes wholly powerful on two counts; one because it attempts to fully own the individual and the other because of the essential Kantianism of modernity, it issues rules and diktats according to conceptual neatness rather than being receptive to the variations and uniqueness of ground realities. The civil society does two things to contain the unopposed march of the modern state – one, it rescues the individual from the stranglehold of the state and its blind laws and the other it proposes alternatives to the homogenizing policies of the state, alternatives that are more in sync with the ground realities. In either case, a critique of modernity does not propose to bring back as institutions of civil society those associations and congregations that have as their project the curtailment of individual freedom of choice and association.
The khap Panchayat is not an innocent association who believe in the benefits of the yoga or in the aural power of eclipses, the beliefs of the Khap Panchayat have significant outcomes for individual freedom in particular and social freedom in general. By raising issues of gotra marriage, the Khap brings back into legitimacy, the sources of those texts of Manu that also suggest caste, entrapment of women as property of men and in short, those very discourses of social oppression that the Freedom Struggle fought against and won. Therefore, supporting any and every kind of association in the name of democratic freedom is not democracy, for an important quality of democracy is one in which every institution, association, policy, law, rule and verdict must have at its core the final non-negotiable, individual freedom and equality of opportunity.
The intellectuals who condone violence but allow for the freedom of association of Talibanish associations like the Khap Panchayat seem to treat violence as a stand alone social fact. Physical violence is not a distinct entity, it is an overflow of mental violence and associations that seek to violate the individual’s freedom of choice and right to assert for equality of opportunity. Therefore, it is essential that to check physical violence, mental violence should be checked too. If there are perversions in thought like the enforcement of the caste superstitions then such perversions must be curtailed so that these do not manifest in actual physical violence. Democracy is not unchallenged freedom of thought and action; it allows for freedom only when it does not curtail the actual freedom of others in the sense of exercise of social choices and access of equal opportunities in the empirical world. Democracy may allow a Hussain to paint Indian Goddesses in the nude and it should also allow a Muslim author to lamblast the Holy Quoran; it should allow an intellectual to air her observations about pre marital sex, such opinions do not stand in the way of other individuals wanting to marry someone of her choice or taking up residence in a city of her desire or pursuing a profession that suits her penchant. In such harmless pursuits of the mind that constitutes a genuine freedom of thought and expression can we have a democracy without a thought police but in cases where vicious thoughts imagine the control of human freedom, policing may be needed as crucially as in case of a riot or abuse, or of domestic violence.
My question is why is it that the intellectuals like Ashis Nandy and Madhu Kishawar and politicians like Naveen Jindal are so eager to gloss over the difference between a people’s demands for genuine freedom like universal education, or health care or freedom from Dalit oppression and pandering to regressive sentiments like the caste? The stance of such intellectuals and politicians bring into my mind a familiar picture, that of a guilt ridden mother who because of her own engagements with her career neglects her child and as a means of overcompensating the child gives in to unreasonable demands. Let there be no confusion that the present state of neoliberal consensus leaves more and more people out of its participative space and one of the ways to distract people away from the failures of neo liberalism is to cast at them various cultural products like spectacular sport, reality TV shows, dramatic news, tear jerking serials, scandals of politicians and celebrity mongering. Such products like the chess board of Shatranj ke Khilari of Premchand create in the minds of people the semblance of reality in which one can participate with the same gusto as one would do in any instance of reality. Only the reality is so controlled by a few corporations and celebrities that it leaves no scope for the individuals to participate in it. Hence, various games of engagement are provided to the people to keep them busy and subservient to a state that has clearly decided to ignore the people. The “people” are then reached through their worst afflictions – vigilantism, vengefulness and vendetta, whether in the form of the Khap, or the Taliban, or just a public outcry demanding death for some Pakistani bomber.

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These Authors, Such Works – About New Young Authors Of Children’s Fiction

Last evening I attended a book launch because I had to. It was a family affair as the author is my first cousin nineteen years younger to me. I usually enjoy family gatherings and events such as this gives me an opportunity to see my people once again and have some tea with them. But the author and his books, I do not seem to follow. My nephews and nieces who are closer in age to the author in question were squealing with excitement as he made a video presentation of his work and they clapped loudly as the show ended. I was sad because I could not partake in the joy of the ceremony. This extraction of bits and pieces from the embeddedness of their context and using them as ingredients for something quite different is anathema to me. I always get repulsed whenever such re-mixes happen. Hence with much sorrow I realized that I was old, pretty old, and in fact very old.

I have always bought books of this young author and I have tried reading them in all sincerity and always have read through them. But I have not been able to absorb a single sense of the book, never understood why the story was being told at all. I seemed to be drawn into a world where everything is present. There are our epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, familiar children’s novels like Thakurmar Jhuli, pirate tales, jungle stories, old classics of Robert Louis Stevenson, mixed with Sherlock Holmes, Barbara Cartland, some familiar Hollywood Classics and popular American television shows, some war of worlds stuff, some disasters like the Titanic and of course with Sukumar Ray’s imageries of deadly demons used as batter in the single space of the novel. These diverse cuisines are hurriedly swallowed in an anxiety that someone else may grab them before he does and then thrown up in a violent bout of indigestion. The entrails of the regurgitation reveal chunks of undigested food, which is what I feel, whenever I read the author. But for the younger readers this seems to be the formula.

As I emerged out of the launch I had to walk a large part of the distance back home because the autos were running full capacity and had no space to accommodate me. I relished this brief break from transport and used the walk to ruminate on myself. The problem lay in me and not the author; he belonged to the era, I was past it. The crux of the difference between me and the author rested in the way he and I seemed to have consumed our literature. For me the world of epics or the terrible tribulations of helpless children of Thakurmar Jhuli, the tales of Alice’s wonderland, the never ending braids of Rapunzel, and later Sherlock Holmes, the pirates and prisoners were all self contained worlds. The protagonists of these stories remained set permanently in their contexts and hence when I read of Kim, or Tarzan, I belonged to the jungle; when I read Homer, I lived in Greece, when I wept with Arun, Barun and Kiranmala, I too had a relative who would become a blood drinking demoness by night; I was an Englishman walking through gas lit dark roads in London when I read Sherlock Holmes and with Byomkesh Bakshi, I came to live in a Keyatola flat. Were Alice to meet Cinderall, or Tarzan come home to Ulysses, it would be a catastrophe, no less than were it to snow in Delhi or the ice caps of the poles grow the cacti of Sahara Desert. For me, the world had to be tidy and tied to geography, and later to its politics, history and society. This is why I read books not only as a chain of events, or for its characters but also for its context. During my childhood, we all were like this; our spaces were fixed, time was finite, and story forms regular. Not so for this author. The question to ask is why.

When the author was a child and wrote his first essay in school, his mother proudly told my mother that he had reversed the hare and tortoise story because in his story the hare won and not the tortoise. I gasped, but what is the purpose of the story then? The tortoise had to win because that way the premise of the story is nullified. If the hare which is the favourite also wins in the end, then what is the point? I thought that such a story that opposes the well known myth is an attention attracting strategy that children forget when they turn into adults. But now that the cousin is a celebrated author for children he seems to have emerged out of the same tortoise hare story with the reverse end !!! Throughout his works, familiar myths are broken, their closures prized open, elements snatched from their locations in narratives and presented randomly. The effect of it all is something similar to the one that one gets by continuously switching television channels. I suddenly seemed to know why I never got any sense from the books the author wrote, because what sense can a person derive from channel switching?

I thought of myself when on some evenings I need to switch off. In the pre-television days I would take a book, read or unread, on any subject it may be, and follow its lines as it flowed logically sentence after sentence. My mind would relax because it would cohere. For the same reason, our people watch so much of the formula film; it is as relaxing as going to the gym, entertaining because of the exhaustive experience and which in turn is so because of the logical closure. The closure is the form, its formula. It has anticipation because it must always close; it is new because it closes new kinds of content. Books were our preferred source of entertainment because of the strong logicality and which in turn was so because the subjective elements of the agent moved in reckoning with the objective constraints, removing these obstacles towards a grand equilibrium.

In the works of this author, there is no equilibrium to be attained; the movement is from chaos to chaos and into a final chaos that no individual can plan to control. Universe is saved by some Providence through the accident of unplanned and uncoordinated actions. The characters just move about following instructions robotically of a very powerful individual who plans to take control of the entire world. This individual, who seems like Osama Bin Laden is not necessarily the villain; he is just a contender for a fetish that could be a stone, which is the source of real power. The characters are not interested in the ideology of their mission; they seem to only work for a job. This dissolves the importance of a goal and consequently of goal-directed actions. Hence there is no direction to their actions and the fights, chases or shoot-outs look like some frenzied activities rather than genuine actions for goal-fulfillment. It is not an accident that all the characters in the author’s books are children of celebrities, or recruits of some very large, albeit secret order. When individuals have little scope to achieve things through talents and actions, all they can do is to launch themselves in the right pads and preserve their social class. In the works of the author, the characters are thus running very hard only to preserve themselves, as any slip may cost them their lives in the highly exaggerated world of the fiction and their social statuses and positions in the empirical reality they inhabit. This expresses a secret fear of loss, loss of livelihood, loss of social status and loss of lifestyle. This fear makes the generation of the author contemptuous of anything which is certain; no wonder then he breaks all forms of certainties that emerge in his life as myths, epics, tales, fables, and even poetry. There is a sense of irreverence, which is to manage his own sense of foreboding of things to come, which the author knows will not work to his advantage.

What kind of reader then are my nieces and nephews who love their young uncle so much? These children too suffer from the same sense of uncertainty about their lives and unfortunately the little experiences they have had of their lives, they cannot be otherwise. I looked back on my childhood in which security and certainty were never wanting. Our grandparents and parents had steady jobs that they were in no fear of losing and we knew that success could be ours if we worked hard. But today’s generation needs neither intelligence nor diligence but smartness. This smartness is not to go past obstacles but to hoodwink the opposition by disturbing cognitive coordinates. Language and publicity are the two instruments to do this. This is why mixing and confusing of established categories of thought is the instrument of this generation. Shah Rukh Khan’s performance as Devdas and Don were mimicry of the doyens of cinema who had performed these feats; the author also tries to mimic a whole set of classics so as to alter our recall them. Just like Shah Rukh Khan’s remakes, the author’s categories also destroy our recall of classics. At the core of this perversion lies a death wish, an uncomfortable realization.

At the launch function my cousin introduced us to a rather young adult, an authoress at eighteen. She sat there in shorts lifting her fat legs across a chair trying to exhibit her thighs and hoping people ogle at her shapeless pile of flesh. When I asked her about her work she said that her protagonist was a young nerd, a girl who suddenly realizes that she always wanted to kill people. Death, and murder are the attributes of the protagonist !!

I think that we should urgently look into this generation, generation that produces more terror strikers than inventors, many more hackers than computer programmers, it produces amazing performers but little. Much of the creativity in this generation is only to duck and pass the buck rather than to take on the obstacles with a sense of an agency. No wonder then that this generation is so ahistorical, reading history as a costume drama and not as the premise of our thought categories and institutions.

As I walked down past some bookstores on my way home I peeped in to see their collection. I could see shelves still full of those works that used to circulate among us in our childhood as best sellers. These authors and such works were not all lost then and when the younger generation wanted their fill of genuine entertainment they probably read these classics. But when the younger generation wanted their own politics of supercilious positioning against all things certain and hence against them, they probably went to authors like my cousin.

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IPL – Yeh Dil Maange Not Anymore

The IPL has got me into a state of confusion. I belong to a world where things are in their place; for instance politics is where it should be, cinema, media, cricket and my everyday life, each one of them are securely in the place that belongs to them. But the IPL seems to be too many things, all mired up and messed up into one big media event- it is the final victory of the cinema over cricket. Films and cricket have been distinct and parallel, both are star producing discourses and both have had huge popular support and following. But each has been autonomous, self contained world, complementing and non competitive. Of late both cricket and the cinema had been losing audiences. Kerry Packer in the early 1980’s was an attempt at rediscovering cricket to help it live through changing times, to help it survive the forces of dismemberment into history.
Cricket was a colonial affair that reached its peak with the most intense moment of colonialism, namely the movement towards decolonization. In the world of the post colonial, cricket had to lose its sheen to football and hockey. It survived in South Asia and the West Indies and South Africa, the Commonwealth countries because of a continued process of internal colonialism of a selected elite ruling the rest of us in the name of democracy. In the lands of the juntas, cricket never had a chance. Today as democracy all over the world, especially in the Commonwealth countries is facing a challenge to various non democratic ways of life and governance, cricket faces the imminent threat of losing its popularity. The cinema, whose history is aligned to cricket, has met the same fate. Both need to survive. The IPL was the cinema’s appropriation of cricket for survival.
Meanwhile cinema underwent two important transformations; one was the abandonment of ideology and the other was to become friendly towards television, its one time contender. In both such cases the cinema created celebrities, though it no longer had the monopoly to do so. With such changes within itself, it stretched its arms towards cricket and grabbing it by the waist brought it close enough to crush it, albeit in the name of dancing together in amity. The crux of cricket, the nation collapsed and cricketers who were individuals playing in a team was reduced to simple corporate entities who were mere employers being assigned into a team. The teams were better known by their owners, who were invariably celebrities from outside cricket. Similarly, a match betweem Royal Challengers and Kolkata Knight Riders was more of a battle of Vijay Mallya and Shah Rukh Khan. The teams were put together, much like the hockey team in Chak De India to fulfill the wishes and whims of their clelebrity owners. Cricket came to be owned by a few zamindars rather than by nations, zamindars, not the native ones but something like the various East India Companies, multinational and private. This recolonization of cricket was also its corporatization.
The teams were named after cities but did not contain the organic spirit of the city, much like the real estate development zones, or the SEZs that use the mere physical location of the city but refuse to integrate with its moisture and air, its mud and concrete, its vegetation and rubbish, its history and its future. If it were so, then the IPL could have raised tempers like the Manchester Union, or Liverpool as in the football league in the UK. Cricket under the IPL was ripped off its essential continuity; there was no history to a team, no memories to compare, and no discourses around it. Players performed very well, all matches were equally pitched and all outcomes were with baited breath, yet there was boredom, a boredom that the IPL tried to overcome by scantily clad, furred women, DJs, folk drummers and bright clothes of players. The serene stretches of green grass in the cricket grounds were replaced by tacky ads painted on the grounds and everywhere the calmness of cricket was interrupted by advertisements by sponsors. The image of the IPL refers thus only to itself, a spectacle that does not have a resonance beyond the immediate gratification, much like a firework that erupts suddenly and dies just as suddenly, dazzling us while it lasts but only that much…….

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For Ritwick: Shiv Sena versus Shah Rukh Khan

Shiv Sena Vs Shah Rukh

This piece is written at the behest of Ritwick Mallik, a best selling debutant author of school romance. Ritwick has himself put up an excellent piece against the Sena on the FB and the present note is a kind of counter point to that. Naturally to a civilized world, the stamping and charging of the Shiv Sena or the raging and ranting of the MNS against a SRK or Amitabh Bachchan would set our blood to boil because such show of uncivil defiance is not part of legitimate political behaviour in the world’s largest democracy. Indeed, this vigilantism, this impolite vandalism is not what we expect in a civilized nation and least of all in a cosmopolitan city to which we head in search of a fortune. Mumbai cannot be in the control of hooligans because it means so much in terms of the opportunities for the best among us. Besides, India is a democracy that allows a person to reside and work anywhere in the country irrespective of his state of his linguistic nativity. Looked at from this perspective, the Shiv Sena is not only vandalous but scandalous for the Indian Constitution.
But there is a counterpoint and which is necessary because whether we like the Sena or not, or agree with its politics, we need to know the phenomenon and understand why things should be the way they are. The Shiv Sena was born way back in the 1970’s and shared its birth time with various kinds of Naxal movements in the eastern parts of India, namely Bengal and Bihar. The extreme right politics of the Sena did not differ in terms of its ends with the extreme left politics of the Naxals. Both wanted to attack systems and institutions that did not help them in securing opportunities. In the early 1970’s, the Sena imagined that the poor south Indian migrants mainly working in wayside restaurants were a block for the natives of the state, namely Maharashtra. Hence they attacked the south Indians. In those days, the Sena did not affect us and so we were not worried about them, the affair remained an internal matter of Maharashtra. Today, the Sena and its ilk have attacked again and this time it is national news because the ones they attacked are doyens from the Hindi film industry, inseparably associated with the city of Mumbai. For most of us Mumbai, the erstwhile Bombay means the home of filmstars; Bollywood is what we call our Hindi film industry after Hollywood. Though the Sena must be condemned for its despicable act yet there are forces at work that need to be delved into.
I spend one night at Mumbai and immediately understood that for the ordinary Mumbaikar, the cinema was no longer the prime entertainment. Events in the reality like the 26/11 shoot out, Pramod Mahajan’s assassination, Noor Haveliwallah’s drunken driving, student suicide, kidnap of the infant daughter of the Telugu liquor baron were events that far superseded the drama of the K-k-k-iran in SRK films. Somehow the issues covered in the Hindi film can no longer match the drama of the real life events. It seems that the Hindi commercial cinema has fallen behind the more happening reality of Mumbai. This loss of power of cinema reveals itself in the growing audacity of the Shiv Sena to attack the Badshah of Bollywood, Shah Rukh Khan.
The Hindi cinema ever since the middle of the 1990’s is increasingly catering to a class of people who are removed from the concerns of the large majority of us, huffing, puffing, sweating and struggling to get on with life. The increasing income inequality, the growing divide between the English speaking and the vernacular medium and the rapidly widening split between the metropolis and its hinterland have given rise to dramas that the Hindi cinema has little interest in. Bollywood is increasingly communicating hunky dory tales of human conditions in India that are truths for a selected Page 3 but lies for those who must inhabit the crowded and muggy planet yet remain invisible to the typeset of newspapers or in the beams of the channel TV. The sanitization of the Indian life in order to create a designer palette for the NRI who must show-off a world back home that has no reason for her to leave it in the first place, has earned for the new Bollywood a definite contempt of the masses. The masses respond to the growing indifference of Bollywood towards them by a counter indifference sending off films to look for expensive multiplexes with ever rising rentals or pursue intelligent commerce with various kinds of “rights” and copyrights. If people have to watch a film then pirates are tapped; and cinema despite spinning moola mainly through pursuing high value currency in overseas territory is steadily failing to remain that singular moral force that guides nations and creates citizenship. The Shiv Sena’s defiance of Shah Rukh reflects the waning power of the cinema and the masses indifference to film stars who at one point of time were the Gods and Goddesses of Mumbai in straight competition with Siddhi Vinayak and Hajji Ali. No one will vote for the Shiv Sena for attacking Shah Rukh but no one will hold it against them either. This is a serious matter, not for the Sena, but for Shah Rukh and the Hindi film industry in general.

6th February 2010.

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Politics of Culture Of Austerity

The austerity debate has preoccupied our national consciousness. We all know that austerity drives save no money. But then that’s not the real point of such austerity measures. What is important is that austerity as a life style that now is being suggested by the top politicians and with such a suggestion, the culture of austerity acquires some interesting discourses of social power. There is a certain politics about being austere as there is a certain politics of being ostentatious.
The austere says that I give back more than I take; the ostentatious says why should I give at all when I can take. The austere says that we should not take in proportion to what we give because the privileged must help the less privileged to survive. The ostentatious says that no, I want to be paid for all that I have invested, after all I also have the desire to be like the very best. The austere says that use your time to think harder, the ostentatious says is philosophy any sexy? The austere says leave resources for the future generations, the ostentatious says, who has seen tomorrow?
The ostentatious is a new entrant in our politics. She never existed before the economic liberalization of 1991. She was freed from our inner most secret desires so that the acquisitive instincts would help all us accumulate more riches. The then Finance Minister and the present Prime Minister said how could we ever expect the slices of the pie to increase if the overall pie did not do so? So the capitalists, the speculators and the scamsters were let loose to create wealth that would trickle down to the rest of us. What naivety !!
Income inequality increased, divide in access to education and health widened and the growth path left out many more to include only a few. The slices shrank despite the increase in the size of the pie. How could that happen?
The selfish, obscene culture of being rich created the category of the ostentatious. This category thought nothing of the fact that the speculators were hoarding food, that Satyam walked off with sharholders’ money and the society’s jobs, saw nothing wrong in taking away farmers’ lands in a failing food economy and thought these to be actually smart. This category is the Ravana of the modern age, who the Congress desperately wants to contain by invoking the austere. Lets see who wins this Dussherah, the austere or the ostentatious!

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Mumbai or Bombay – Whats The Bong Connection??

Raj Thackeray is wrong and Karan Johar is right. Bombay is Bombay and not Mumbai. At least, it is definitely so for Aisha Banerjee, the female protagonist of Wake Up Sid, the film which Raj Thackeray is responding to. Raj says that Bombay must be referred to as Mumbai because Bombay was a mispronounced version of the original Marathi name, Mumbai, and also now that Bombay is officially Mumbai. But it is not as simple as that because Shobhaa De had written a rather longish article in which she mentioned categorically that Mumbai and Bombay are two very different levels of culture, one the site of the new upstart vernacular middle class produced out of a deepening of democracy, and the former, i.e. Bombay, of cultured aesthetes who were cosmopolitan and also rich. For most Bengalis, Mumbai is still Bombay and hence when a Bengali girl writes back to her parents in Kolkata, she refers to the city as Bombay and not Mumbai, because it is Bombay with which she is familiar.
Bengalis have a long association with Bombay. The Bengalis came into Delhi roughly around 1911 when the capital shifted to New Delhi from Calcutta. In case of Bombay, the Bengalis moved in here in the 1930’s with the film industry and with the growing Indian corporate business houses that required highly skilled managers and corporate leaders. Bengalis had moved elsewhere as well, mostly as doctors, teachers, bureaucrats and lawyers. Such cities were Lucknow and Allahabad in UP, Dehradun in Uttaranchal, Lahore in West Punjab, Surat and Baroda in Gujarat and Pune, Satara and Kolhapur in Maharashtra and Nagpur, then in the Central Provinces. The Bengali bhadralok diaspora in all the above cities were work related transfers when families settled in them because they continued to live there even after retirement from employment. The Partition also meant that many such bhadraloks lost their homes forever to Pakistan and having nowhere else to go made their homes in the “pravas”.
Bombay was an exception to all the above cities for Bengalis came here in search of their dreams. This is why, the Bengalis of Bombay are different because the Bengalis who dared to come to Bombay were different from their rather middle class brethrens who were contend to commute between office and work between 9 am and 5 pm and spend their lives in just doing this. The Bengalis of Bombay were adventurous. As film industry persons they were chasing their own dreams and manufacturing and peddling the same for the millions of the rest of us. As the top echelons of the corporate world, they were highly paid white collars, straddling board rooms and the top clubs of the city. Such Bengalis were in the league of the early generations who found favour with the British and occupied India’s creamiest layers. Hence, when a Bengali moves to Bombay, we generally look upon such an individual as belonging to a higher echelon of the society.
But as Bombay became Mumbai, it dawned upon the Bengalis that Bombay was being reclaimed by its “natives” and pulled into a kind of a culture that would be local, vernacular and monochromic. Such a Mumbai would no longer be conducive for their dreams, nor would Mumbai be able to support the scale of civilization that hosted the Bengalis in the city. Thus when Bengalis want to make space for themselves in the city they say Bombay, the plural, the large scale, the cosmopolitan and the ever expanding city that can host them and fulfill their dreams. When Raj Thackeray says Mumbai he wants the conservative, the protectionist, the mean, the miserly city that draws limits to keep time and space out. Mumbai is all about the losing, closeted, cloistered local, Bombay is about the successful, expansive, victorious and prosperous individual. For the Bengali it is Bombay, and Bombay every time. The Bong kamineys of Kaminey also said so, Aisha Banerjee or Mumbai Beats said it and we Bengalis would also say the same, Bombay. Mumbai of Raj Thackeray is another city, not really worth visiting or exploring. As Bengalis, we will let it pass and give it the miss

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