Dadu, too much..

Dadu, my father’s father died on this day, i.e the 13th of August in 1976. This is thirty five years before now. I think that with every passing year, his presence just grows on the family; each year Dadu seems to actually become more alive.

My father being the only child of his parents, our small nuclear family was essentially very close knit. And my father being an only child in the days when families often would be large attracted a strange kind of attention from his parents who I called respectively as Dadu and Thama. This attention was a curious mixture of minute monitoring, compulsive control and obsessive affection. My father had to be protected from everything in the world and in order that the world would never rise to disturb father, that world needed to be controlled as well. Hence Thama and Dadu extended their parenting to the world at large. Servants, drivers, washerman, garbage collectors, office peons and assistants, kins people and friends, neighbours and the family doctor and his family, income tax accountant and his family and friends were all subjected therefore to this kind of obsessive affection which was actually a covert form of control and monitoring. When mother married into the family and when I was born, we were both subjected and subjugated to this kind of affectionate panoptic and disciplining control. My brother Pam four and a half years younger to me was partially a recipient of such regimentation.

Our home was run like a corporation. Menus were fixed; begun pora on Wednesdays, Keema cutlet on Fridays, bread pudding, custard, (I forget which days). Timetables were set tight and calendars followed for winter and summer makeover when fans would be tied with newspaper, or unwrapped and oiled and window panes shut or open depending which season we were getting prepared for. Notebooks and files were maintained for everything, there was a system of regular paper clippings with scissors and bowls of “lei” especially when Byomkesh Bakshi’s Benisanhar was published weekly in the Sunday edition of Anandabazar. Bookcases were dusted, geysers repaired, electrical switches changed with the routine of an office.

As a child, strangely, I felt quite reassured with such all encompassing and all enclosing affection. My fierce autonomy that I developed later was not so much of an independence of the spirit as it was a refusal to acknowledge anyone else’s authority upon me other than those of Thama and Dadu. My parents and we were more like siblings under the ferocity of love from my grandparents. When Thama died in 1967 and Dadu crashed emotionally, one of the ways he coped with his situation was to become even more obsessive about everyone around us. My tutor Dola Aunty, our family friend Madhuri Mashi, Dadu’s driver Srikanta, his barber Ram, the family compounder Barunbabu, the fishmonger in Gariahat market, the scrap collector, Jalil, all came into the ambit of Dadu’s concern. None of us were allowed to catch colds, develop coughs, get fevers and fall sick; everyone’s well being was of utmost importance to Dadu. He was a man with a strange recognition of mutual interdependence; he was imperial and he knew that an Empire could not run well without everyone of us being in states of perfect health and happiness. His deep and honest desire for everyone’s happiness emanated from a much larger understanding that viruses of sorrow can be very contagious; the world needs to be generally happy in sum if it has to guarantee an individual’s happiness. He firmly believed in a perfect world and he also imagined that he had the power to make it that way. But all of that needed a huge mental energy that manifested itself in a state of nervous excitement that was Dadu’s usual state of being.

After his retirement from Calcutta University, Dadu was the curator or Victoria Memorial. He often chased lovers on its grounds insisting that they come inside and visit the galleries; he repeatedly declined Lady Ranu’s requests that the building be lighted for he feared that a short circuit could burn the precious museum down and on evenings and nights of heavy shower and norwesters, Dadu convinced himself that the windows of the Central Hall were not closed properly. Mr Nair, the museum’s resident manager would be woken up in the middle of the night on the very few occasions when the telephone was working and insisted that he open all those tall and heavy doors with torch in one hand and inspect whether each and every window is properly sealed shut. Those were the days of high Naxalism and Dadu too was gheraoed once. But he chatted so much with the rebels, became worried that a few among them would be dehydrated and organized tea and shingaras out of the Victoria Memorial Canteen that the belligerent boys soon forgot all about the gherao and became involved in the beauty of the cannas around the ponds.

Dadu tried to cultivate my mind. I was to see museums, read biographies of famous men, learn about epics, read fables, watch puppet theatre and learn Rabindrasangeet. I had little interest in the above list. Dadu soon discovered sworn enemies in Enid Blyton, Kiriti Roy, Tenida and even at a point of time decided that Bankimchandra and Sarat Chandra were not all that noble. I was also growing fond of classical music. I started reading Soviet authors late into the night. I decided to flee into what was Thama and Dadu’s bedroom now lying vacant because Dadu could not bear the loneliness of Thama no longer being with him. It is here that I cultivated my mind quietly and surreptitiously and used those as arsenals to challenge Dadu in his opinions on history and politics. Dadu was anti democracy, which he termed as ochlocracy and he was very far from being a socialist. Dadu had been a student and a teacher of history in Presidency College before he joined as an administrator of Calcutta University. I loved to argue out themes in history and culture with him. When in a recent academic debate some scholars asked me where I knew of the various religious sects who were neither Hindu nor Muslim such as the Nirmohi Akhra, I realized that I learnt so much just by arguing with Dadu across the dining table. He was also very Westernized having being brought up in a pucca sahib family of his own father. He was never comfortable eating with his fingers and it was here that I loved to surprise him by showing how well I could debone a piece of Ilish peti.

None of us quite realized that behind Dadu’s hypertensive existence there laid an emptiness that gnawed at him day and night. So Dadu being Dadu decided that he needed something to look forward to. Soon he found one, his own death. The prospect of death now inspired a new meaning into his life. We had a family astrologer who Dadu consulted for everything, from whether I would pass in my maths, whether my cough will be diagnosed as tuberculosis or pneumonia, whether Boromani would survive her heart ailment and so on. One Sunday, Dadu returned from the astrologer cheerfully. By this time, Ma learnt driving and got Srikanta, Dadu’s driver sacked and drove him around instead. Dadu, who would always be agitated at the traffic while Ma negotiated the same at her own level of comfort, seemed, on his way back to be surprisingly calm and relaxed. Instead of a sweaty forehead wrinkled up with worry, Dadu walked contended into the house announcing that the astrologer predicted that he has only this very month to live. It was early July and the sky had been overcast for the entire week that year.

He suffered from prostate problems and decided that he needed a surgery. He also decided that he would never return alive from his operation. With him gone, he also anticipated that we would all be left rudderless and the home would crash. So he decided to do a final makeover. For that entire month, it was a preparation for a grand event. Cracks were repaired, electric cables overhauled, window panes cracked from crashing cricket balls replaced, the car was serviced, a new battery was put, dues to everyone cleared, a pair of gold bangles were made for me as a gift for my wedding that Dadu would not live to see. On Sundays of July, Ma would drive Dadu to visit every relative; Dadu would come and tick names off the list, a list that he called as a goodbye list. As soon as the visitations were done, Dadu called me to help him tear apart a pile of papers, letters, cards, appeals, complaints and so on. Now, he said satisfactorily, you can use my drawer for your notes. What about your things Dadu I asked; he said, no I will never be needing these things. He also told me to go ahead and use his soap cases and towels after he was gone. I laughed my heart out at his jokes.

Dadu called a meeting of close relatives, all women. Among them were Dola Aunty, Madhuri Mashi and Sovathama. He showed them a drawer in which lay washed, pressed and ribbed his silk dhuti and Punjabi set. Put these on me, he told them, when I die. Please comb my hair, put my false teeth and set my glasses. He was certain that we will cry so much that we will not be mindful of such details and hence relatives who would be firmer would be in charge of dressing his corpse. He approved the flower decoration of his hearse van, the design of the chandan on his forehead and reminded that the Yardley perfume be put on him. Having done all that, he booked his room in the nursing home, packed his bags neatly, packed also some biscuits, and sat back to have his last cup of tea at home. I was going to school then and wished him all the best. He suddenly clapped his forehead and pointed despondently at the radio, this, he said, I forgot to repair it. Now it will only be junk because none of you will ever get it repaired. Dadu never trusted us to ever behave like responsible adults.

Dadu died on his operation table of bleeding that could not be controlled. Baba was with him in the end, held his hand in the OT till he passed away. Ma, a very strong nerved woman really broke down. Her older sister who I call Bachi arranged for the hearse van and the flowers. The others arrived; Sova Thama dressed and clothed Dadu. Nomami and Chhotomami helped around efficiently. Dida came and stayed the night with all of us. Dr Pal, our neighbor informed the press and the radio and I think Boromama arranged for an announcement in the newspapers. Throughout the mourning period, our large extended family came in all the time, paying their respects to the oldest among them, brought flowers just as Dadu liked them. The house always smelt of fresh fragrance and perfumed incense. People, unknown to us dropped in, they heard it on the radio, or read the obituary, they would say, for Dr A.P Dasgupta as the world knew him, was a hugely popular man in his professional world and officialdom, known for his concern, love, affection, worry for everyone’s well-being, just the way he was with his own family. The stream of visitors continued well into the days to come, remembering a man who tried to hold everyone he ever met as his very own.

 

P.S We never got around to repair the radio; many years later I threw it off as junk.

 

 

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Seeing Off Na Mama

Na Mama, Na being pronounced as in naughty, a name for the fourth born in a family, implied something very specific when he said that he was seeing someone off. He used the term see off to mean one who is off abroad aboard a plane, or taking an aircraft to go on some official duty. In those days, travelling by plane was not within easy reach of one’s pocket and when one took a plane it meant that she would either be flying abroad or going on some work of a great deal of importance. Such people, the successful ones, the chosen ones, Na Mama would see off. The others, if one went from Kolkata to Patna, or to Deoghar, s/he would deserve only to be “put on the train”. Na Mama was my mother’s fourth brother.

Born in the early 1930’s, he belonged to a generation that took the projected dream of India’s Freedom very seriously; believed in modernity led by technology, economic growth led by enterprise and corporations, and sincerely believed that India’s sovereignty also meant a sovereign public sphere where equal opportunities awaited anyone who had the talent to cash on it. He also believed, far ahead of his times, that the middle class was meant to become prosperous, catch up standards of the richest of rich and that every honest bhadralok had a right to the finest quality of life. While he lived, he constantly fought to establish such beliefs as the truth. Na Mama believed in sudden turn of fortune, spectacles in everyday life, drama in even the most unpromising situations and had an unyielding optimism. His was a world of the saxophone and the band, of flood lights and glitter, of ornaments and livery, of grand cars and huge sofas. In many ways, he was my mother’s family’s dreamer.

His discerning tastes were literally put to use when he was employed by a global tea auction company to be a tea taster on board. We listened with wide eyes and gaping mouths stories about how tea tasters put benchmark prices to be auctioned at the Calcutta and London markets. It was for one such assignment that he once spent a few months in England; returned and then told us all about moving staircases known as escalators. My mother tells me that this trip was before he was married and how he saved up every penny to get presents for everybody except himself. In all the Marks and Spencers he shopped in, he did not buy anything for himself. He was a team man, who knew how to put everybody else’s interests before his.

In many ways he could see far ahead of his times, nurturing fantastic schemes for business. He quit his job and joined a business in Nepal that blended and packaged tea to be put up in the retail stores of supermarkets. But the tea business collapsed worldwide, auctions crashed and spot markets replaced benchmark prices, something for which Na Mama used his tea tasting skills. The world rendered him redundant. This was a trough from which as long as I kept track of him, he did not seem to recover.

As a child, Na Mama wanted to create fairy tales for us. He seemed to be the one to have seen it all, done those things. He took us on trams, on minibuses when they first came, he took me to my first ever circus; he always bought the latest fire crackers, went to Circarama, installed one of the first television sets when the telly came to Kolkata.He had magicians and ventriloquists to entertain us at home when we gathered for his children’s parties. Once he also organized a puppet show by placing sets in the lobby of Indulok. My mother’s was a joint family with as many as ten children living under the same roof. Na Mama ordered and designed cakes from Flury’s shaped like a motor car, or a ship or a circus arena, and sometimes a pink and mauve Doll’s house. He introduced me to marzapine and the stick jaw, the latter was to help me chew and take a loose milk tooth out.

A joint family has a way of creating some trouble shooters; Na Mama and Chhotomama being the two youngest of the five brothers were floor managers for the large family. They would coordinate how children would spend their holidays; the hobby classes they would attend, make lists for the family’s Durga Puja paraphernalia, organize feasts, manage events such as weddings, and if need be beat up thieves who dared to step into the kitchen garden darkened by long shadows of the papaya trees. They took the elderly to the hospitals and call doctors when children fell ill. In many ways they were the pillars of the large household known as Indulok.

My special interaction with Na Mama was in the stories he told me; he could narrate a story with sound effects so vividly that I got a feeling as if I was watching a film. My Ghanadas, Motadas, Bantul The Great, Hnada Bhnoda and Nonte Fonte were heard from him. He could describe in minute dramatic details the football match he saw, or the catch Solkar took the fine bowling by Chris Old. He had a fantastic memory, never forgetting even the most insignificant detail he heard. He had a great ear for music, an eye for art especially sculpture, knew how to make images by pressing aluminum foil, to fold colour paper into shapes of animals. He decorated the Goddess during Saraswati Puja, designed the lighting when his youngest sister got married.

But these were merely the tip of the iceberg; for Na Mama lived in his own world of enormous dreams; he loved success, spectacles, splendor. It is not that he had ambitions for himself alone; he imagined the moon for everyone else as well. But dreams do not go well with hardnosed middle class families where adventure is discouraged, risks avoided. Most of his ventures did not succeed because he had little idea that not talent but access to capital was the crucial factor in business and that access to funds was not something that the Bengali middle class in a Marwari dominated capitalist set up was ever likely to have. He then became the loser of the family; a category that the middle class disparages and fears. Rather than help him secure his finance, the family harshly criticized him for dreaming big. The more he failed, the harsher the family became towards him; he was emotionally harassed and ragged for being a loser, for not being like the rest. He never accepted his defeat, continued to be a defiant dreamer and on this high pitched ego battle, it became very difficult for him to go on. In the wee hours of one morning, he left home with his wife, his children being already away in other continents, without leaving behind a contact address.

I met Na Mama and Na Mami many years later when my mother located their address. They were then both much older and did not keep well. The children and grand children were both away and we politely inquired about them. Na Mami cooked some Murg Massalam, a dish she had perfected and this she did despite her extreme ill health. Both came when my maternal grandfather passed away, performing their duty, chatting dispassionately on neutral issues like cricket, cars, vegetables and fruits. He was, I observed, no longer interested in interacting with the family as family. I let them be, in their privacy, away from the competitive pressure of the Hindu Joint Family that needed one always to fall in line.

On the occasion of my 50th birthday when I sent each of the adults who mattered to me while I was a child, thank you notes. I composed one for him and did not know how to reach it to him. For then he had already shifted home again; somehow, through a long winded process I located his email and wrote to him. He was happy to have talked to me but did not wish to restring the thread of the family again; I knew that his interaction with all of us had become detached.

Last Sunday, my cousin called me up to say that someone quite unknown to him had sent a message in his facebook informing the family that Na Mama (his Na Jethu) had taken seriously ill. There were some phone numbers where he called to learn that it had been over an hour when Na Mama lay dead in a hospital that required a blood relative to come and claim the body. It seems that he died at an ATM while withdrawing money; it was a massive cerebral stroke. He was always the one to take people to the hospitals, but when it was his turn, he fell all alone. Since the police had recovered the body they wanted someone from the family to come; this is how, through facebook, we got to know that he had died.

When the members of my mother’s family visited Na Mama’s flat in Rajarhat, they were astounded at the plush of the apartment. His neighbours were most obliging, he was enormously popular, he was the President of the Durga Puja Committee. He always liked high class living, with cooks and nurses to help out; he liked socializing and he loved the Durga Puja. His strained relations with the family, their insistence on selling land in the ancestral village where they had a Durga temple had also estranged him from the annual celebrations which he loved so dearly. He used to take the cinema to the village, set up massive generators to put up lights, introduced taasha bands at immersion processions. I was happy that he had taken upon himself to manage a Durga Puja at his apartment complex. The concluding chapter of his life ensured that he got his kind of life style that he always aspired for, achieved sometimes but lost most of the times. Though his dreams shattered time and again, he fell into penury and managed to emerge out of it all on his own efforts, all did end very well. The net conclusion- his was a successful life. My brother said that he would be there for the cremation and I instinctively told him, yes, it is important that his nephews should “see him off”. Death is a “send off”, a “see off” for Na Mama, for like life, his death should also be an adventure.

I have been the one to usually convey any news of death in the family to my cousins. Never before now have I sensed such nervousness with which news of Na Mama’s death has been listened to. I think though he was away from home a good twenty years before now, yet there is a recognition that a load bearing pillar of the family has been struck down.

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Greenathon – The Hypocrisy

NDTV’s Greenathon is a model case study of how the media creates and circulates images to conceal conflicts in society and impose pretences as infallible truths. The Greenathon is a thriving instance of such an activity. It is a cleverly constructed media event that appropriates environment as an issue for attracting eyeballs and hence sponsors and advertisers. It plays around the largely uncontested arena of climate and environment in order to assume unassailability and hide purely commercial interests behind its veneer. It tries to recruit general interest persons to create a semblance of a civil society, getting them to sign registers along with their emails and mobile numbers and thus procuring a list of immensely saleable value for chain mails and promotional SMS. It helps assure young students and entrepreneurs whose high consumption and greed has in any case got the world as climate challenged as it is today that by wearing a T shirt, or signing in a roster or running a few yards in a marathon helps them fulfill their duties as responsible citizens. In all this, the Greenathon not only distracts us from the real issues behind environment but, which is more serious, makes us believe that such stunts can substitute for solutions.

Apart from marathon runs and signature campaigns, the Greenathon also has a component of flimsy film stars visiting villages in India helping them set up “solar power” systems. These systems are manufactured and sold by a company in the USA (that keeps sending me their promotional material so I know) and are used to light up villages. These systems only provide light, no fans, no power points and works worse than our electric supply in electrification drives. The idea that the Greenathon circulates is of the Indian villages that go dark as soon as the sun sets. This is far from true; almost all villages in India have some degree of electricity, but they do not have the required supply to run water pumps, fans, water coolers, refrigerators, computers and televisions those that make life a decent living. Solar power cannot do this, all it can do is to light a few solar lamps at almost three hundred times the initial investment of an electric bulb !! This is called to be going green !!

What such crude initiatives do is to distort the truth and herein lie their wickedness. There is no way in which the climate change can be reversed until and unless we reign in our consumption. We have to eat less of fast food, discard clothes less often, remodel furniture a little less, drive in cars with economy, use less oil, less steel, less glass, less cooking fuel, less water. Since all of the above define our very civilization today, we have to have a civilizational change if we are to reverse the clock ticking away to spell the end of the earth. In short, this is the first time that the human race must think of restraining itself in its pursuit of mindless and needless consumption. Environment is thus a politics of life style, a politics against ostentation, against a model of development that thrives on the pursuit of private gain against community regeneration. Until and unless such questions are addressed, there can be no environmentalism.

The NDTV has been among many others been a prime agent portraying environmental movements as being against development. It supported the Tata against Singur farmers, upheld Jindal against peasants in Salboni, portrayed adivasis fighting against POSCO as miscreants and dubbed protests in Kalinganagar and Dantewada as being Maoists. In every case of an indigenous people’s movement, the NDTV has supported the charge of arms of the State against protests that are actually to save the earth from being raped by marauding machines and greedy men. Such an NDTV now pretends to be a savior of the environment by selling costly solar lamps through Bollywood stars.

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List of Publications

PUBLICATIONS IN BOOKS AND JOURNALS

 

BOOKS:

Amitabh – The Making Of A Superstar. Penguin. Delhi.2006

 

PUBLICATIONS IN BOOKS:

  1. “Anthony Gonsalves” in Non-Fiction Writings.  Penguin. Delhi. 2008
  2. “Sociology of Stars in Hindi Cinema” in Sociology of Globalization. Ed Sakarama and Ganesha Somaiyaji. Rawat. Delhi. 2006.
  3. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Hindi Cinema. Form And Ideology Of The Hindi Commercial Cinema. 2003.
  4. “Globalization And The Future of Backward Class Politics In India.” In Backward Classes In India. Ed B.V.Bhosale. Deep and Deep. Delhi. 2003.
  5. “The TVE Edge – Understanding China’s Economic Miracle”. in Chinese Odyssey – Mao To Market . Country Series. ICFAI. Hyderabad. 2001.
  6. “Survey Of Food Consumption And Nutrients In Slum Areas Of South Calcutta.” In West Bengal – A Socio-economic Profile. Ed Goutam Sarkar. Institute For Studies In Social And Economic Development. Kolkata. 1998.

 

ARTICLES ON ECONOMICS:

  1. Air India Strike and the Plot Against the PSUs. Governance Now. May 16-31. Vol. 2. Issue 08. 2011.
  2. The Structural Crisis Of The World Steel Industry. EPW, 2-8 August, 2003.
  3. Prospects For The Revival Of Indian Industry, in conversation with ICFAI. ICFAI Reader. Hyderabad. October, 2002.
  4. Globalization And The Cement Industry, EPW, 7-13, September, 2002.
  5. Consolidating Reforms – Analysis Of The Union Budget of 2002-03. co-authored with Nitin Shah and Pitabas Mohanty. Analyst.. Hyderabad. April, 2002.
  6. Recession – End In Sight?, co-authored with Stephen C. Cecchetti, Edward Yardeni, Claude Smajda and Sudipa Majumdar. Analyst. Hyderabad. March 2002.
  7. Agenda For The Union Budget.  Analyst. Hyderabad. February, 2002.
  8. Reforms Roadmap. Co-authored with Saby Ganguly, Uttam Gupta, Parag Parikh and Kiran Nanda. Analyst. Hyderabad. August, 2001.
  9. Global Steel Industry. Analyst.. Hyderabad. April, 2001.
  10. Is Steel Too Soft To Compete? Business Standard, 1st February, 2001.
  11. The Global Recession – Basic Issues Facing The Steel Industry. JPC Bulletin. April-May 1999. Kolkata.

 

ARTICLES ON SOCIOLOGY:

  1.  Bhadrolok Mein Sendh – Mamata Banerjee (Hindi). Edit page. Amar Ujala. Hindi Daily. 15th October, 2010.
  2. The Nation As A Team, Citizens As Players, Development as A Game – The Cultural Ramifications of Globalization. India economy Review, 2008. IIPM, Delhi. August 2008.
  3. Why Does The Media Not Have  A Theory? – A Possible Reply. Economic And Political Weekly,  23rd June, 2001.
  4. Civil Society Through Clear Eyes. Economic And Political Weekly. 30th September, 2000.
  5. Theorizing Post-coloniality : Some Comments. Newsletter of the Research Committee on Theory, Concepts And Method. Indian Sociological Society. CSSS, Kolkata. August, 2000.
  6. Newness And Respect For Academic Tradition In India Sociology. Sociological Bulletin. September, 1998.
  7. Understanding Marriage And Legitimacy. Current Anthropology. Vol 39 No 3. June 1998.
  8. The State Resurrected – A Theory Of The Modern State Under Globalization. Economic And Political Weekly. 14th February, 1998.
  9. Redeployment Of The Feminine. Economic And Political Weekly. 25th June, 1998.

 

ARTICLES ON THE CINEMA:

  1. Uttam Kumar – A Sociological View Of The Bengali Culture In The Aftermath of Partition. Tehaai. Kolkata. Special Issue. Uttam Kumar. July 2009.
  2. Sarkar – Re-presenting Amitabh Bachchan. EPW. Mumbai. 19th September 2005.
  3. Social And Cultural Conceptions Of The Body. The Journal. Psychology Foundation Of India. Delhi. December, 2001.
  4. The Crorepati Phenomenon – Viewer Analysis Of “Kaun Banega Crorepati” on Star Plus Channel. Lights Camera Action. Mumbai. May-June, 2000.
  5. The Greatness And Limitations Of Amitabh Bachchan – An Analysis Of The Debates In “Mohabbatein”. Lights Camera Action. Mumbai. May-June, 2000.
  6. How Do People Really Watch Films – A Study Of Fiza. Lights Camera Action. Mumbai. November-December,1999.

BOOK REVIEWS:

  1. New Economic Policies And Dalits. Ed. P.G.Jogdanand . 2000. Sociological Bulletin.Vol 51, No 1. March 2002.
  2. Viramma. Viramma, Racine and Racine. 2000. Economic And Political Weekly.  10th June, 2001.
  3. Living With Modernity. Javeed Alam. 1998.  Biblio, nos 1& 2. January-February, 2000.
  4. Income, Poverty And Beyond – Human Development In India. Ed Raja Chelliah et al. 1999. Economic And Political Weekly. 11th December, 1999.
  5. Social Structure And Change Vol 5. Religion And Society. Essays In Honour Of M.N.Srinivas. ed A.M.Shah et al. Summerhill.Vol IV, No 2 Indian Institute Of Advanced Studies. Shimla. December 1998.
  6. Women Reborn. Renuka Singh. 1997. Sociological Bulletin. Vol 46, No 2. September 1997.

 

SEMINARS:

  1. Remaking The Nation – Study Of Bollywood Remakes. International Conference on Social Sciences, Sri Lanka. July. 2008.
  2. Work And Wealth. Changing Nature Of Occupational Mobility Under Globalization. All India Sociological Conference. IIT Kanpur. December. 2002.
  3. Globalization And The Changing relationship Between The Global And The Local. All India Sociological Conference. IIT Kanpur. December. 2002.
  4. Exploring the Capitalist Roots Of Marginalization. National Seminar On Marginalization And Technology. Jadavpur University, Kolkata. November, 2002.
  5. Globalization And The Media. Guest Lecture. Academic Staff College. 44th Social Sciences Refresher Course. October. 2002.
  6. Non-Performing Assets Of The Indian Steel Industry. Institute of Economic Growth. October, 2002.
  7. Globalization And Its Trade-offs. Indian Sociological Conference, Amritsar. December, 2001.
  8. Globalization And The Prospects of The Marginalized Groups. Indian Sociological Conference, Amritsar. December, 2001.
  9. Future Of Backward Classes Under Globalization. Department Of Sociology. University of Pune. February, 2000.
  10. Estimation And Forecast Of Steel Consumption In Housing Through The Census Data. Institute Of Architects. Mumbai. August, 1999.
  11. Estimation Of Growth Of Prosperity In Rural Households Through The Study Of Income Class Data.  Steel Scenario. February, 1996.
  12. Popular Conceptions Of Illiteracy And The Popular Consciousness – Study Of Kabir.  Centre For Historical Studies. Jawaharlal Nehru University. March, 1994.
  13. Counterfinality Of Sati – Study Of “Antarjali Jatra”, a film by Goutam Ghosh. Centre For The Studies In Social Systems. Jawaharlal Nehru University. December, 1989.

Web Publications: India Infoline, 2000-01.

 

 

  1. 62.      PAPERS ON THE STEEL INDUSTRY:
  1. Myth Of The Per Capita Consumption Of Steel
  2. Differences In The Behaviour Of Domestic Prices Of Steel Across Major Cities Of India.
  3. High Costs Of Inputs, Depressed Prices Of Output.
  4. Ignore Prices – Alternative Measures Of Market Buoyancy.
  5. Firmer Steel Prices, Weaker Cement Prices.
  6. Ask For A Lower Burden Of Interests And Not Lower Interests.
  7. Problem Of Value Growth In The Indian Steel Industry.
  8. The Importance Of Value-addition In The Indian Steel Industry.
  9. Bail-out For The Steel Industry May Be Through Modernization And Not The Market.
  10. The Mystery Of The Growing Non-Performing Assets.
  11. The Hub Of Technology – The Key To Competition.
  12. Why Consolidations Is Not A Solution To The Steel Industry’s Problems
  13. Resolving The Problem Of Over-capacity Through Knowledge.
  14. The Pricing Behaviour Of Indian Firms

 

MACRO-ECONOMICS:

  1. How Do Firms Invest In India
  2. Growth Of Firms In Defiance Of Economic Theory
  3. The Macro-economic Model Of Mr Yashwant Sinha
  4. Rates Of Interests – Nominal vs real
  5. Savings – How They Have Worked For East Asia
  6. The Old Economy vs The New Economy – Why The Service Sector May Not Be The Best Option.
  7. Response Of GDP With The Individual Components Of Capital Formation
  8. Removal Of Quantitative Restrictions – Who Loses And Why?
  9. Nasty Nasdaqs And Frightening Fridays: How Adversities In The Stock Market May Work Well For India
  10. Nasdaq’s Crash – Jobless Growth.
  11. The New World Trade – Decisive Importance Of The Non-traded Sectors
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I Want To Be Mamata Banerjee

When I was in my 20’s I wanted to be Amitabh Bachchan, meaning that I would mould myself to ingrain and internalize his persona. Now in my 50’s, I want to be Mamata Banerjee. I want to think like her, act like her, feel like her, in short, be like her.

Like her I want to just follow myself; not care whether I am being fashionable, whether my views fall into the acceptable framework or whether I talk like a pedagogue or make facile assertions. Like her, I want to be free of all schools of thought, of pre determined views of the world. I want to be able to see things directly, in their merit, in their own terms, in their own centredness. Like her, I should not be ashamed to support people who are right even when they are not wholly acceptable by the society. Like her, I should see no shame in supporting any political party when they speak sense, irrespective of what their professed ideology is. I should not worry about what people think of me if I follow my heart, I should never worry whether my discovery of truth is generally accepted by the era I live in.

I should not look to being rewarded, praised, lauded and supported. I should not be upset when people write me off, when people attack or defame me. When I am rejected by everyone around me I should never worry because I should never regard my own self in any importance instead look ahead at what I have felt is the truth. Like Mamata, I should learn never to compromise on the promise of light that for the time being I alone seem to have seen.

I want to be like Mamata in the simplicity of veneer, in shunning fine clothes and desire to look good. Like her I should not care what the world thinks of me, how they assess my worth by the style I keep, of whether I am being presentable in a gathering or not. Like her I will not wait to be wooed or adorned, chaperoned or guided. Like Mamata I should be able to never assess others by the clothes they wear, brands they use; by the wealth they keep but like her accept into my herd any and everyone who wishes to be led by me, or to accompany me to a pilgrimage whose destination I alone know.

Like Mamata I wish never to seek power but be sought by the powerful; let kings and queens come looking for me because like her I wish to return to my simple home as the dusk falls on another day. Like Mamata, I should dream of no home which is built to specifications, suave and swanky; like her, I should be able to regard any corner of the earth as my home as long as it gives me shelter. Like her, I will accept with open arms my neighbours without discretion of who they are and what class they belong to.

Like Mamata, I will see deep into the minds of men and women, listen to the unspoken, articulate the unsaid. Like her, I will know never to align with men with money and power but to defend men with thoughts. Like her I will choose those who have no one to stand by them, those who are abandoned by all, exiled and excluded.

Like Mamata I will not worry about my capabilities, never fear failure, for even when I fail, I will know, like her that I am loyal to my beliefs and while it is possible I do not know my craft, it is entirely impossible that I will compromise on my beliefs. Like her, I should not be apologetic about being impatient to justify my stand to others; like her I should be able to move on ahead of those who do not choose to accompany me. Like Mamata, I would like to extend my invitation to everyone irrespective of whether they have been my foes or friends, like her, these personal enmities should never matter to me. Like Mamata, I should be calm when it comes to things personal to me but like her my fury should know no bounds when what I know as the truth is attacked.

Like Mamata, I will not care for history because I will never believe in inevitability of events, notwithstanding their ubiquity across the globe, and like her, I will have faith in only that kind of development that encourages maximum participation. Like her, I will remain fiercely loyal to what I demarcate as my homeland. Like Mamata, I shall not fear death even if it means ignonimity and like her, I should not care whether I am reckoned with or relegated into anonymity.

Like her, I should listen only to the voice inside my head, not care whose it is, whether of God or of the Devil for like her I must remain ever the self same whether in fame or in disrepute, whether in power or out of it, whether in the hallowed portals or in the streets, whether celebrated or castigated.

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34 Years of Left Rule – Sociology of a Bengali

The media says that the imminent change in government in West Bengal after an unbroken, unshaken, unchallenged rule of the Left Front for thirty four years will be a historical wonderment. To my mind, however, the wonder lies more in the long tenure of the Left Front during which it has only moved from strength to strength. In a democracy such as India, where competitive politics ensures strong anti-incumbency tendencies, an uninterrupted reign through the popular mandate is not only unusual but downright unique. The moot point here is not why people are voting the Left Front out after having reposed such faith in it, but why did they show such an unflinching loyalty for so long?  To look for a possible reply to this question, one must delve deep into the moorings of the Bengalis, their sociology, their culture.

Bengalis, like the north eastern hilly people, call the rest of Indians as “Indians”. The common Bengali term for the Hindi speaking simpleton is Hindustani. Accordingly, whosoever converses in Hindi is associated with her poorer fraternity and treated condescendingly. Like in the tribes of the Nagas, or Meitis, or Khasis and Garos, the Bengali has a definite category of a “non-Bengali”. The suggestion here is that a Bengali ideally would like to live as a tribe when in a collectivity. A possible reason for this, inter alia is a large space within the hierarchical society of Bengal occupied by a certain social class that would like to project itself as the quintessential Bengali middle class. This is the lower middle class, a class born out of its peculiar dependence on salaried employment either in the state run institutions or as a cog in the wheel of a large private sector “merchant office”. This class through the peculiarities of history has developed a strange desire to concentrate within it cultural power and expectedly, a monopoly over the Bengali culture has emerged as the primary politics of this class.

Bengal, since the “Company” viz; the East India Company has been at pains to emerge as a worthy contender of the colonizers. Indeed, in his letters to Gandhi, Tagore lays bare his strategy for Independence, which is to strengthen one’s intellect and refinement to such an extent that the British would automatically be overtaken. This was not merely a poet’s imagination but constituted the larger fantasy of a people that would develop a distinct vernacular identity of a Bengali. In pursuit of such competitive cultural refinement, Bengal started developing a distinctive culture that would serve as the marker between those who deserved to belong and those who did not do so in the middle class “samaj”, or society. The Bengali culture works something like a club, with clear markers of not only insiders and outsiders but also of a hierarchy of who wears what weave of a sari, what cut of trousers, reads which books, or watches what kind of cinema. The large middle class of Bengal actively pursues its cultural refinement through its music and dance classes, art tutors and affiliation of its wannabes in performative groups. One of the most familiar sounds of Kolkata in the evening is of little children practicing music on the harmonium. The apparent cultural capital of the people actually conceals a definite politics that revolves around caste, social opportunities, land rights, property issues, gender conflicts, the city and the village tussles and the public sphere and even unemployment and education. It is this connection between culture and politics that one must understand in order to draw inferences on the long rule of the Left in Bengal.

The present Bengali society is the product of processes of intricate social dynamics. One is the continuous migration of people from the village to the city in which the city becomes the Eldorado of opportunities. In Pather Panchali, the first novel of the Apu Trilogy, Harihar tells his wife that the family better migrate to the city for better access to food ! It seems that millions migrated into the city looking for alms during the Bengal Famine of 1943. To be in the city is the dream of women who are looking to buy silken bangles and other fashion accessories as Asha Bhonsle sings for R.D.Burman. The city is the space of dreams for villages that have been starved by the zamindars of the Permanent Settlement. But to be in the city needs education, a refined speech, sharpness of the intellect and alertness of the mind. The Bengali cultivates these skills to be in the city just as so many of us try to imitate the American accent so that Universities and companies in the US may mistake us as their own.

Along the other axis lies the concealed competition around the caste. Bengal has known some terrible caste wars around the middle of the 19th century and many of such conflicts were not over land but over fortunes in cash earned by some families that made them suddenly very rich and powerful. Power was linked to English speech and fashion and hence a berth in the Company as its servant or associate and how the Company treated you depended on the way how you presented yourself in an ostentatious image. Dwarkanath Tagore’s “Lifestyle” was not entirely conspicuous consumption but also an investment for an image that the British would favourably respond to. The Bengali learnt early on to acquire cultural signs for himself to be “selected”. This giving in of oneself to appear as the right person happened only because Bengalis depended far too much on a monopoly employer rather than on self employment. The proud farmer, the self contended grocer, the self employed tailor or the businessman operating out of his family capital are images of poverty, pity and simplicity. They are not images that one pursues; they are categories that one does not want to fall into. Bengali becomes respectable through his “chakri” or salaried employment. Every moment, millions of Bengalis are dedicating themselves to pages and pages of mathematics and physics and biology to qualify the IIT Entrance or the Joint Examination only to get a job somewhere. In such a society, when a person enters the middle class, it is culture and the right looking signs those he picks up ensures him the worthiness to be considered as a potential employee.

The politics behind acquiring a culture was dictated by employers who held monopoly in their respective fields, namely the large capital or the State. Bengal’s politics is therefore so closely related to its culture, the substance from which one draws one’s entitlements to compete against one another, to decide on the insiders and outsiders and to bargain in the social sphere. The Partition of India in 1947 aggravated the tendencies for the politicization of culture, with not only the mission of separating the village from the city, the Muslim from the Hindu but also to assert the power and control of that vast class of clerks who were eager to claim Calcutta from its entrenched elites, namely the Renascent Bhadralok of the Bengal Club.

Bengal never won Independence like “India” did; instead in 1947, it had the Partition. Like Apu of the Apu Trilogy portrayed in cinema by Satyajit Ray, the Bengali could never forget that because there was Independence, there was also Partition. Culture, came in handy for the masses of displaced respectable people albeit with means smaller than that of the bhadralok, and helped them assume a moral upper hand by lionizing the displaced, the wronged, and the struggling middle class. Ritwik Ghatak’s cinema, Salil Choudhury’s music, Uttam Kumar’s stardom, Shankar’s novels expressed the sentiments of this new middle class, the underclass of the Bengal Club elites. The CPI(M) with its huge cadre, its deep infiltration into social spaces, artistic expressions, family matters actually stepped into the cultural space of the middle middle and the lower middle class. The long duration of the CPI(M) was because of its politicization of the culture of the Bengalis that divided and united them into competitors of the social mobility game, whose rules they all consensually agreed to abide by.

Today that Bengal has decided to change. The “Poriborton” goes much beyond who occupies the Writer’s Building. The change of culture that comes in today, irrespective of whether the TMC will be able to deliver the goods or not, is a change in the way Bengalis would want to negotiate with the world. This change is a change in the world view and it is quite possible that Mamata Banerjee might not be able to politicize this culture entirely like the CPI(M) did. The CPI(M) had defined too much, spoken too much, covered too much and organized too much. It had covered so much of the culture space that it left very little space for the new to come in. Every job went to its sympathizers, every thought had to reflect their agenda, every dream must be theirs, every conflict resolved their way. Slowly the Left Front took over so entirely, that culture lost its flexibility to evolve and emerge into something new. The vote for Mamata is a desperate search for some breathing space.

Mamata Banerjee’s politics revolves around very large moral questions those started off with Singur and Nandigram challenging our very development agenda, very path of globalization, the very strategy of privatization. Sonia Gandhi called her over to share a berth in the UPA and today Rahul Gandhi courts arrest over exactly the same issues in western UP. Mamata’s questions are echoed by the Indian National Congress; Bengal always wanted to be this way, what it thinks today the rest of India would think tomorrow.

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What Is Political Cinema

On Sunday the 26th April 2009, we discussed what is a political film? Is there something called a political film? If so, then what kind of film it is, does it have a specific kind of topic or does it have a technique? In my view all films are political because films by nature are political. Actually to be able to address what a political film is we need to really understand what we mean by the term political. Politics is anything and everything to do with power. Films are political because they seek to change the existing power relations in the society. Films inherit this attribute from the art. Art is always political because it seeks a change in the power relations.

It may be slightly confusing for you to comprehend what this change in power relations mean? Not all films show heroes beating up villains and not in every film do we have heroines arguing their heads off with their fathers. Then what is the power change? Actually, power works through various ways that are not always visible to the common sense. Michel Foucault alerted us to this possibility of power operating through invisible and almost imperceptible ways and one of the ways it does so is by our understanding of what is right and what is wrong. Our opinions make us assume some positions in the society and this is the society’s power over us. When we learn to look at things in a different manner, we untangle ourselves from the habits that had bound us in terms of our thoughts. This is how we challenge the powers that constructed us. Hence films, because they must challenge the powers that bind us by allowing us to look into things more carefully are inherently political.

Notwithstanding the above assertion we often have cinema that reinforce our traditional thoughts and beliefs. One way in which films do this is by creating stereotypes that reinforce community and gender identities and do not allow them to emerge out of their contemporary states. In this case too the film is political because it tries to re impose the existing power structure. Defined in this way, we have nothing to specify as political cinema since every film becomes political cinema. What should we do in order to recover something as political cinema?

I do not subscribe to the view that political cinema must be something which is a genre by itself. Many times, political cinema only articulates ideologies and refers to metaphors that are already in the political public sphere. In this way they only repeat that which is already in politics and thus attempts to challenge no notion or norm. Hence such films collapse as political cinema. Compared to such films that overtly talk about the political cinema, cinema that does not do so but challenges the existing beliefs in society through its narratives are more potent as politics.

This brings us to a possibility of discriminating between the political essence of films and political films. Could we then define political cinema as that cinema which tries to influence viewer into activities that are political? Now we have said that all that changes ones attitudes is political and so how can there be any specific desire of a film maker to make cinema political? Yet, intuitively we all know that there is something which is called a political cinema. I think that some films help us to look around us and realize that we can actually change ourselves. We feel liberated as a result of this and proceed to be better organized in the world. In some cases, we feel liberated but as a result of such liberation suddenly begin to see how the world is organized around us, how it constrains us and how we can raise ourselves to changing it. When we are thus empowered not merely in being able to change ourselves, our lives but the entire world that we live in, we encounter the political cinema. The political cinema thus should discuss constraints not only around us and which we can easily overcome by moving away from them, but those constraints in our external environment and those which determine us and impinge upon us from above like the law, state, institutions and other similar things. Political cinema must enable us to see what is presently beyond us but which we can manipulate and change by engaging ourselves.

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Ravan Badh – E.K.I

I was not around in the times of the Ramayana when Ravana was killed. It was a great killing, I read. On the side of Kishkindhya, Ayodhya, Panchavati there were ecstatic celebrations, on the side of Lanka there was mourning and loss. It was a killing that was to hitherto divide humanity permanently into naras and rakshasas. But I am here to witness the killing of Osama bin Laden, a great killing, a grand killing that ever has been, an epic written all over again, and a feat that will be made into legends and ballads and tales those will be sung by modern day minstrels, written about by muses, ruminated and reinterpreted by philosophers. It will also permanently divide the world into two kinds of persons, the humans and the terrorists. For long, like our theories of Aryans whether they were a distinct race or merely a linguistic group will now move around the grand puzzle of civilizations, whether Muslims are terrorists.

Obama the killer is black and Muslim, both coordinates that have been ever so difficult to surmount in America; he has got past them but like our own Sita he has to pass through fire again and again. This time, he was to get Osama. He had to, more so because he is a Muslim, he must never been seen to shield his ilk. Such extrapolations are ridiculous, tomorrow one may say that I am a Hindutvawadi because I am born a Hindu. But for Muslims, it is so. Unlike a Hindu, Muslims have never emerged as a social force reforming their religion. We have reformed ours. When the Renascent bhadraloks cried that widows should remarry, the echoes were sounded across the length and breadth of the country, reaching sundry printing presses and touching the hearts of so many. Islam have never been revised and reworked. What is worse is that any attempt at humanizing that religion has divided the Muslim community, the progressive forces termed as the elite, and the masses clung on to fundamentalism. It is as though that clinging on to the practices of Islam conservatively helps gather social capital for the less privileged. One must study civilizations closely to understand why this is so. But things have become so effete that a Muslim in our midst must prove his social class and therefore his social worthiness for us by killing eagerly men who happen to also believe in the same religion.

Obama and Osama were never the same; but the killing brings them together in a strange and unexpected way. Obama had to prove that he was an American and not a Muslim by killing Osama; Obama proved that he was indeed a Muslim by being able to find Osama because we know that loha loha ko kaata hai. Obama sunk Osama into the sea, only a Muslim knows what such unsung burial does to his fellowmen who lives his life around the motif of a jihadi or a khadim. Obama by finding, killing and disposing Osama has proved his own closeness to Islam and its beliefs and also revealed his familiarity about the hideouts of Islamic terrorists. Obama has sought out his Vibhishan’s in Pakistan; in all probability gives out that sinking feeling to his fellow black Americans whether he has not used the same tricks to trade the privileges of his own community and gain in legitimacy in an America that has more or less always been aligned in favour of the whites. Osama’s terrorism shows the effeteness of Islam to deliver anything to the world anymore; Obama’s venture shows that for a Muslim and a black to prove himself must sacrifice his own brothers. Hai Hussain ! Hai Hassan !

I think that Osama’s killing should be mourned like Muharram. If we mourn his death, mourn the death that he caused to so many innocent ones who were nowhere in the game, mourn the death that he caused to the nobility of his Prophet and the grandeur of his Faith, only then we will release the way that Obama represents, the path of having to kill one’s own tribe in order to win favours from the ones in power. This will be then the beginning of a new era, like the Muharram, punishing oneself to evolve, suffering for both the victim and the offender, recognizing that they were together in a crime and that only suffering can unite and yet release them together.

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The Strike .. of Air India

Many moons ago, when our sweet little dupleix in Dover Lane was enlarged into a three storey house to make space for a tenant, our first tenant was an Indian Airline pilot. Similarly, many modern condominiums in our locality were being rented out to pilots and air hostesses. This was a mark of Dover Lane having arrived as a respectable colony in Ballygunje from its rather modest middle class veneer. The airlines are always looked upon as a creamy layer of the middle class; offering prospects and possibilities that are matched only by the IT, bureaucracy and the army. It has the class of being high salaried, elan of professional excellence and the allure of a closed group cadre. In other words, it has the best of all worlds notwithstanding the attraction of international travel with sops like free tickets for dependent members of the family. The pilots, who are the core of this sector, are on strike in India’s only public sector in the aviation sector, namely Air India.

The pilots strike strands women, children, the elderly, the sick, the infirm and the rest to an uncertain halt. Air travel has picked up in India after the opening up of our skies to competition and cheap tickets that run without meals on board has pushed prices of tickets down thus expanding the market into ever increasing consumer base. Despite the rise in competition, the national carrier has grown only in importance over the years, plying in zones where the private airlines do not find it economic to travel. The importance of the public sector is precisely this; the large capital base makes the public sector actually extend its operations into areas where the private sector cannot delve as the former constantly subsidizes its operations with previously held monopoly profits. Contrary to common sense constructions that competition is detrimental to the government, it actually helps the public sector consolidate its profits and sometimes even steer them away from the private sector players. The company data from the CMIE clearly shows that the companies in the government sector do consistently better than the ones in the private sector, though the erstwhile sick companies that the government had taken over do worse than both of the above. Were the public sector companies to be removed from operations, private players would have done enormously better in terms of market shares and turnovers.

The scam that is forever a possibility in the Indian scenario is thus the decimation of the public sector. The CMDs are easy targets for bribing so that they like Trojan Horses destroy companies from within. Were the CMD to defy the Minister in such destruction, he is ferreted out as being corrupt with charges of misappropriation of funds leveled against him. The story of Krishnamurthy of SAIL is a case in the point. The other very suspicious category is the BSNL; a company, which in the smaller towns just refuses to operate. My experience with the BSNL is ridiculous; they never send bills on time, they never attend to complaints and should anyone study their website for registering online grievances, she would find that the site simply does not operate. In all these cases, they purposely drive customers away so that they move to Airtel, a company that seems to be just waiting in the wings. The case of Air India is no different from the above.

The intention of the government is to destroy its own airlines that will sky rocket the profits of the private players. There have already been murmurs about Jet heavily bribing the national carrier to hand over operations. Praful Patel’s steps at merging a loss making international carrier with a profit making national company without merger of pay scales and perks was purposely geared towards generating this level of employee resentment. The arrogance of the Minister and that of the CMD in resolving the issues shows the intention of the government very well. This is yet another scam no less than that of the 2G spectrum. Privatization arrives with ever burgeoning wads of dollars in the Swiss Banks.

Public sector employment is really about a security of employment rather than fanciful salaries. The private sector salaries are much lower than the public sector on the whole. The private sector may have one single individual at an astronomical salary but the next rung languishes at packets that barely sustain a dignified middle class life. No wonder so many families are now double income with neither the time nor the money to have children. No single institution but private capital has so systematically destroyed the stability of the social institution of the family. The public sector has been more equal in salaries, attracted always the creamiest layer of talents, and been better at R&D because retention of talent has been higher, accumulated expertise through security of employment. The life of private sector has been much lower, companies have barely survived beyond three decades, less than the life of Amitabh Bachchan, or Dharmendra on screen, retrenched workers, locked out, and never been able to move up the knowledge chain to become price makers in any segment of international trade. Vis-à-vis the public sector, the private sector has only to be resigned to normal profits. Only with the public sector gone, the private sector’s stocks will shine helping it to scrape off the shareholder’s money and then scoot. In sectors where the public sector is absent namely the real estate and entertainment, stocks have tumbled, creditors have lost, properties been attached. The aviation sector gets all set for such unholy gains only if Air India is out of its way.

At the level of the common man, such moves are deadly. People have EMIs to pay, children to send to school, old parents to take care of and insecurity of employment and income can play havoc with middle class calculations. Eastern India had been torn asunder by the manipulations of large private companies all through the decades of the 1960’s when people had factories locked out, provident funds stolen, crashing them out of middle class existence into poverty. The rest of India managed this with self employment and no wonder then the 1970’s and 1980’s saw the growth of self proprietary units largely called as the cottage, tiny and small scale units. The opening up of the economy to the unbridled play of private capital wiped out the niche for these self employed swelling the ranks of the jobless. It is then a scandal that the NSSO rounds on employment reports a steady decline in employment over its various rounds since 1972 till 2008 !! The existence of the public sector created some steadiness in rules of hiring and firing and in the absence of the same will leave the ever expanding population of job seekers and the already employed into a mayhem of madness of uncertainty, anxiety, depressions, divorces and suicides. Slowly, the middle class will disappear, leaving India widely divided into a minority of the very rich and a sea of the poor, looking like Africa, or Latin America, Bangladesh, or Pakistan, or Afghanistan or Zambia, or Ethiopia, or Greenland, or Dutch Surinam.

The pilots strike is an event that apprehends and resists such a downward slide in our society. It is up to my friends to take the case forward or to oppose it.

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Bhaskarjyoti Basu (ed) Explorations in Economic and Social History 1200 to 1900. Viswabharati. 2008.

24th April 2011

 

Dear Prof Bhaskarjypti Basu,

I have just finished reading your edited volume Explorations in Economic and Social History 1200-1900 all in a day. I could not put down the book once I begun reading the papers one after the other. In more common parlance, your book is “unputdownable”. I must congratulate you and hence the letter.

Before I read your book, I was reading volumes edited by Shireen Moosvi and Upinder Singh, both of which had scholars from eminent institutions, writing eruditely in polished language of high literary standards. The papers in your volume had little pretensions of erudition but the scholarship was vital and articulation direct. I get an immediate picture of India in the period 1200 to 1900 which I have never found so clearly in the works of the so-called eminent historians.

Your book challenges the idea of a single history of India by gleaning through regional sources of history that throw up a variegated view of what we largely know as the medieval and early modern period. The papers form pieces of a larger jigsaw puzzle, a puzzle that throws up a consistent picture of India despite the regional specificities.

Prof Suchibrata Sen’s study of Birbhum is especially close to my heart because I have become keenly interested in the history of this region as part of my campaign to end animal sacrifice. In this paper, I find that one way of upward mobility of a caste is to increase its numbers, then link assets, production and markets and consolidate its economic position even further. This is what happened in case of the Sadgops in Bengal and it is in the upward mobility of castes that Brahmins play a role. The Afghan zamindars seem to be indifferent to the goings on within the local economy and this indifference gets construed as benevolence. The principle of caste becomes a means of social control precisely because the State is so aloof from the economy and society. The Santhals seem to have spilled over into Birbhum from the Chhotanagur plateau, and are not really indigenous to the region is interesting. However, what really intrigues me is that how did the Sadgops become the numerically dominant caste? How did families unite together under the label of Sadgops? Did religion, worship of a deity play an important role? Or was the scale of production of food crops and size of land holding the crucial factors behind families coming together as a caste. In that case, class is the basic determinant of caste. I think that Prof Sen’s paper raises these rather important questions those might go into understanding caste more holistically for Indian sociologists.

The other important set of observations and inferences in the paper on Birbhum was religious syncretism. If the syncretism was an expression of communal pluralism, then why were famines not managed? Did famines occur in the Muslim rule because the State was indifferent towards the economy? Who maintained armies of henchmen? Was violence a means of accumulating surplus? How much of violence was part of everyday life? These are some of the interesting questions that came to my mind while reading through Prof Sen’s paper on Birbhum. Birbhum seems to be a better developed zone of West Bengal in terms of refined religions like Vaishnavism, Bauls, Fakirs and Sufis and such refined syncretism, when read together with Shouvik Mukhopadhyay’s paper on Tamil Nadu tells us, could not have been possible without the presence of a strong State, albeit non- interfering in everyday social life and the economy.

In Bipasha Raha’s paper on Raja Rammohan Roy and Akshay Dutta’s thoughts on the economy, one could see so many motifs emerging of modern India as we know it today. Rammohan’s discourse on the need of the State to step into protecting the peasant, in discussing how mechanization of farming could improve productivity on land and on how certain “measures” of surveying land and measurement of revenue on the basis of standing crops could help improve land and labour productivity in farming actually upholds the various systems of revenue assessment drawn out by the Mughals. Hence, Rammohan seems to repose faith in a medieval system for achieving modernization of agriculture in India. This is a great revelation. In Akshay Dutta’s thoughts on the economy, one finds seeds of agrarian policy of Independent India already taking shape where he places the tiller of land rather than the title holder of land in charge of improving farming practices. Dutta’s thesis that the farmer had to be socially strengthened in terms of education, morals, customs, religion and health so that they could directly claim titles to land rather than the absentee zamindars and their rural agents. Dutta saw that the new rural middle class was a menace to the reconstruction of a new India and tied revolution in farming with empowerment and capacity building of the rural masses. Nabin Krishna Bose of Bethune Society actually hinted at land reforms and the State entering into a direct dealing with the farmer. I wish the author could dwell more on Nabin Krishna. In all the three thinkers we see an imagination of the constructive role of the State, which in India, as Suchibrata Sen and Shouvik Mukhopadhyay tell, was never really as inconsequential as we imagine.

When Bipasha Raha’s paper is read together with Chhanda Chatterjee’s paper on Punjab, one is intrigued to see that many of Nabin Krishna Bose’s recommendations were actually put into practice by the East India Company in this region. The reason why the Permanent Settlement never really happened in Punjab was perhaps because this was the area for recruiting the soldiers for the British army and land was a way in which the Sepoy could contentedly live; it was important that the interests of the peasant-Sepoy was maintained. It is interesting how the award of land titles created, through a land market, a huge circulation of credit and when land to the tiller was actually awarded as Nabin Krishna Bose had recommended, the economy shrunk, farmers suffered poverty and even land alienation. Setting up of cooperative banks shrunk retail commerce, encouraged speculation in grains and threw off many off their small businesses, completely the reverse of what one expect. Interestingly, both in Bengal and Punjab those very institutions that helped Europe to modernize and develop derailed the economy.

One could sense so much of the present day Punjab and the Punjabi culture through this paper. The inner competition and conflict among Punjabis, their ostentation and showing off because that is the only way they can increase their social net worth, the contempt for civic discipline and the talent to duck laws and rules seem to have emerged from those very tenets of the colonial government that Bengal and Maharashtra would hold as beneficial. Could the Partition been an extension of such sentiments? Could the virulent sub nationalism that ravaged Punjab in the 1980 have also been a continuation of such a social organization where rules and laws that we extol of modern and beneficial cease to be benevolent in Punjab?

Only a sense of society, a sense of sovereignty and a sense of the nation or of the State present in Europe and absent in India could lead to such different outcomes as the authors mention in the above papers. It is in this perspective of social cohesion that I could place Arpita Sen’s paper on the Khasis along with Sandeep Basu Sarbadhikary’s work on Burma. The papers on the Khasis and the Burmese helped me understand that while these are very different societies, the structure of production is organized in manners that require constant movement over large tracts of land of humans and animals. This makes such tribes repeatedly clash with settled agriculturists, contest with other claimants on land and defy the State. Burma and the Khasis are both tribal, very different from the caste societies with distinct culture, language group and religion and both were subject to colonial aggression and eventually to annexation. Both resisted and resented modernization but because of greater degree of social cohesion among the Khasis than among the Burmese, the Khasis evolved, revolted, modernized and grew into positions of strength and moral cohesion; while the Burmese became violent, intolerant, and rebellious but also criminals. The modernization of the Khasis, albeit not without internal debates and differences cultivated the Khasi culture that was circulated through literature, printing press and village arts, theatre and dramatics. The Burmese, on the other hand degenerated into amorality and anomie. Popular culture and social cohesion, political integration and economic success are seen to be critically connected. Social cohesion thus plays a crucial role in how communities would adapt to new situations and respond to political exigencies; this has been my learning from the four papers that I mention above.

Shouvik Mukhopadhyay’s paper on the military culture of Tamil Nadu has been an eye opener. Indeed, like many lay persons, I also imagined that the south is staid and civil, but one learns through the present paper that this was far from true. The more violent tribes may have lived in the regions of drier agriculture and then extended into the plains and finally integrated into the peasant society. This transformation is captured through the Goddess cults where vicious deities that were closer to ghosts and spirits became more benevolent and finally spouses of leading male Gods like Shiva and later Vishnu. I am familiar with this process in Burdwan where many deities who were virulent blood suckers are absorbed into the pantheon of the Puranas. In either case, such transformations hint at the emergence of peasant States like the Pallavas in south India and the Senas in Bengal. To the best of my understanding the transformation of a spirit like presence into a deity also means the consolidation of a sthal, or sthan into a mandir or a devasthan and in such spatial transformations, one finds new forms of social relations among groups around the temple. Such new social relations may also have been important aspects of caste society as it emerged out of tribal societies in many places.

In your paper on the weavers and Jeyaseela’s paper on the indigenous merchants in Pondicherry, we find that the success of a capitalist class rests on the success of commodity production which in turns depends on stable food production economies. For all of these things to happen, apart from law and order, one needs a relative distance from the powers of the State, and a fine balance in social cohesion among the various communities and castes. The crash of the indigenous economy of India was mainly due to this crash of the balancing points in which the foreign powers like the French and the Dutch were among other factors and definitely not the only ones. The exhaustion of possibilities of the mansabdari system and yet the insistence of the Mughal powers based out of Golconda on its imposition, the Maratha marauders that ripped through such administration played equally important roles in ending the prosperity of merchants and weavers and eventually through pressure on farming land overcrowded agriculture, made caste competitive and exploitative and finally lost political autonomy.

Syed Eijaz Hussain’s work on Patna mint is intriguing because the history of coinage that emanates out of this area despite there being no silver mines boggles one’s mind. There are two things that come to the mind on reading through this paper; one was the superior technology of casting, stamping and forging, not to forget the arms factories in Mungher and other places in North Bihar and the rise of Sher Shah from this place. Patna seems to have a pre-Mughal history, and later Patna seems to be the only place to have had a substantial Sikh religious power outside Punjab. Who then were the Biharis? How did they acquire such superior knowledge, did they continue to have a passage with the more superior Chinese through the Buddhist routes beyond Nalanda? These are some of the questions that immediately arise in the mind.

Tilottama Mukherji’s paper on pilgrimage is interesting too. One would have wondered that pilgrim spots were created to mark out the culture of India in terms of territory but the paper under discussion shows that these were also veritable tourist spots and the prevalence of pilgrimage shows that contrary to our image of India as being locked up in little villages, one gets to see that Indian’s are great travelers and adventurers. The economy around pilgrim centres, these being also shelters for vagabonds euphemistically called as sanyasis, fakirs and so on. The culture of fairs, festivals, street theatre and other performances that develop around the pilgrim spots can be called as genuine popular culture in a sharp contrast to the Khasi plays that are especially composed as instruments of cultural and political ideology. The popular culture at the fairs involve spectacles, movements, colours, audio visual stimulations that contrast sharply with the more argumentative and discursive components of the drama. Both these trends seemed to have come together in the modern cinema.

I am truly impressed by the level of scholarship in the present volume which despite is rather shoddy production has nonetheless made me feel very enlightened and therefore, enormously intellectually satisfied. I wish you well for your future endeavours.

 Regards,

Yours sincerely,

Susmita Dasgupta

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