Formula One Car Races : Who Won?

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O Sonia Re

On the 24th of August 2011, on the twelfth night after her surgery, in the USA, notes reached Sonia Gandhi in her convalescence informing her of the impasse between the people and the political class over the Anna Hazare movement. By then the Congress led by the PM Shri Man Mohan Singh had come head on to a crisis where the battle lines between the people and the Parliament were drawn firmly. This is how he led up to this state of affairs.

First there was denial. Kapil Sibal and P Chidambaram denied that there was any kind of popular movement at all. They tried to say that this was a media created event and had no real basis among the people. Then they saw the grounds beyond the precincts of the Parliament swelling. Seeing this they tried to insist that this was a BJP led Hindutva movement but telly footages were clear that the movement was apolitical and overall leaderless, albeit with hard lines and fascist overtones. The corner of fasting people who would now and then break into the daily naamz for the ongoing Ramadan flew in the face of the categorization that the “Annashaan” was a Hindu affair notwithstanding the Bharat Mata imageries and sloganmongering. Next the Congress tried to play against Muslim sentiments just as the British did for the 1942 Movement by drawing upon the Imams to condemn the movement. This too failed. The Congress next tried to say that the movement was sponsored by America because of the support from NRIs in New Jersey and the presence of techies in the fray. This too fell flat because of the loose format of the movement.

Next, as always the Congress talks of the people and yet imagines that this mass must be led otherwise it would lead to mobocracy started to insist that the movement was turning into mobocracy. One only had to be in the Ramlila ground to see how lakhs of people moved in such a civil and polite way when one cannot even get into the Metro rail in Delhi without push and sharve. But the government led by Manmohan Singh was preparing to provoke the mass into a law and order problem by which Anna could be arrested and the people lathi charged. All the while the PM tried to push forth a consensus over economic reforms trying to dissolve the support for Anna as if only corporate India was in the movement against corruption; he clearly had no idea of the movement at all, himself never having won an election. He thus tried to call the movement as unconstitutional and constitutive of an attack of the Parliament, which the Anna movement was turning towards and then gather the political class against a movement that had gone clearly beyond the civil society. At this point, with the political class aligned against the people, the Parliament was in the danger of being stormed as the Bastille. At this moment someone advised the Congress and the government that turned the situation wholly to stand into a victory for all. This someone was Sonia Gandhi in remote advice. This is how the government changed its stand.

On one hand Rahul started canvassing for Anna’s bill putting forth his suggestions for a supra Constitutional Body. Next, the government appointed a Marathi speaking Vilasrao Deshmukh to talk directly to Anna by passing his lieutanants Kiran Bedi and Anand Kejriwal. It needed a Sonia to realize that people may not always be comfortable in languages that are not their own vernaculars. Hence a Marathi to talk to a Marathi in Marathi. The lieutanants were by passed to make them irrelevant to the government and thus also taking away their importance as leaders. It is better to deal with one Anna than the whole team. Next, she made it clear within the party that the will of the people was the will of the Parliament and that there could be none other. People could never be ignored in a democracy and that it would be dangerous if the Parliament was to be blown to pieces as Anna’s Gandhis were now talking of turning into Bhagat Singhs. PM relented; the younger members convinced the Congress Party and as the Congress opened up to the will of the people, in a competitive spiral everyone else did that too. Arun Jaitly could well have been the government spokesperson in his calm and assertive speech that reasoned why sentiments and emotions must be disciplined into procedures and rules of the institutions in order to be effective and Sitaram Yechury said why the Parliament in order to maintain its sanctity should reflect on itself, critique its own conduct and reclaim its moral supremacy over and over again. Lalu Yadav said that it is not the political class alone but every kind of institution like the media, NGOs and private profiteers should also be under the Lokpal. The PM said that the people were supreme; there was nothing that the Parliament could do but to obey the people’s invocation of the Constitution. The deal was done, all parties that hardened their respective position converged and submerged into the grand unity of the spontaneous and the regular, the contingent and the instutionalized, the immediate and the permanent. When the world would now say India is a corrupt country, they would also say what a movement against corruption there was and how the Indian democracy accommodated the will of the people as the reason of the law of the land. Waha waha Ramji.. khel kya dikhaye.. sabko badhai ho badhai..

But this grand unity of mutually opposed forces would not have been done without Sonia Gandhi. Actually I would say that the process was started by Varun Gandhi who said that he would present a private member’s bill in the Parliament. When Rahul returned to India after attending on his mother’s surgery, he was clear that he was on the side of the Janlokpal drawing most flak from within his own party. Priyanka came back too possibly with the point by point strategy dictated by mother. All the while others were made to play in the frontline; Sonia remained invisible. But without that single family including Varun, the process of mitigation would never have begun. Families have genes by which they can transmit diabetes or pigmentation but they have internal communication, sense of purpose, ideas of the world that they transmit among members as they communicate amongst themselves. The Nehru Gandhi family has a rare wisdom, something that they are perhaps not very conscious of in order to be able to document or articulate but it is there, just as an intuition to be able to lead us Indians as a pack. Indians are fiercely autonomous and independent minded and yet paradoxically certainty seeking people; a trait that we share with domesticated animals. No wonder then we are the world’s finest rearers of domestic animals who we treat with far greater respect and kindness than we do for human beings. This is because we find a deep sense of bonding with our flock; we always love to be in a pack dominated by a pack leader who keeps us together. The Nehru lineage has this wisdom of a pack leader, not dictating us, or categorizing us and never trying to civilize or humanize us but always keeping us from straying.

 

 

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Hazaar Hazaar Hazaare….

As thousands throng thoroughfares of metropolises holding candles against the dusk and wearing skull hugging caps saying I am Anna Hazare, there is something very critical that gets formulated. Anna is not merely fighting corruption; he is doing something else too. Beneath the veneer of a righteous moral fight, this man and his ilk is challenging the very institution of the Parliament, the crux of a democratic State. He wishes to curb everything that stands for institutions in the country and superimpose a Lokpal which, if ever in effect will be the ultimate word for an absolute Dictator. Beneath Anna’s movement is therefore a search for a dictatorial system, which will curb all that that goes in the name of a democratic State with checks and balances, a Parliament of duly elected persons. It is an assertion of the dictatorship of the citizens so alienated from the very democracy that is supposed to be based upon the will of the people. The tyranny of the Annalogs, the swell of the sea of humanity at Annapolis resembles the Storm of the Bastille, where the haloed halls of the Parliament are purported to be torn down as the punishment for sins of the government to have erected the walls of rules and propriety against the highest authority in the country, namely the free citizen.

The target of the movement is the government, its Prime Minister, whose head must roll at any cost. Those who oppose Anna see in this a license to anarchy, are fearful of the death of a reasoned democracy at the hands of a willful vigilantes. Those who oppose Anna are against corruption through the instigation of the existing institutional arrangements; those who support him are nihilists. Such nihilism is at the very constitution of fascism. The arrest of the government by Anna Hazare, his wrathful posturing, his willful assertion that it is either his way or the highway, reflects exactly, in a mirror image of what the Indian State had actually become when it arrested Dr Binayak Sen, fired on protestors over Posco, killed in Kalinganagar and eroded spaces, ecologies, livelihoods and lives in Karnataka. And all of this happened through the system of bribes, where the corporate could bribe the government to twist rules for suitable interests. This is why corruption has become the space where the weak are shortchanged for the rich; and since the weak are also the more numerous, such acts of the Indian state are compromises on democracy. When the Indian state can itself douse democracy, how does it become the citizen’s prerogative to respect its case? Then go to hell, democracy, there exists none of it anymore says the angry Hazare. Readings from the Third Reich papers show that it was exactly through such a failure of the State that Adolf Hitler rose to power in Germany. If fascism breaks out in the streets of India, only the Indian government will have itself to blame.

Personally, I do not blame Anna Hazare for the state of affairs on the anvil of anarchy; what worries me is the sovereign Indian nation state that with its elaborate rules and rights to fight corruption appears to get entrenched deeper into the problem with each passing day. There is a secret script that is shaping up between Anna and the government; it is that script that I intend to reach. Anna is attacking a government, a state that has turned a hundred and eighty degrees in its role as a mediator between the various forces shaping the society. The Indian state before liberalization formally vowed to protect the weak against the strong; in the aftermath of liberalization as the Indian economy and society gets more aligned to the interests of the global capital, the Indian state vows to remove the claims of the weak coming in way of the strong’s accumulation of limitless and mindless wealth. This turns the entire edifice of the Indian State and its Constitution into a lie. The Indian state stands no longer as a buffer between the interests of the rich and the poor, but aligns itself shamelessly with the rich against the poor. Such a realignment of the State has eroded its authority with the thousands who are on the streets today. The Anna Hazare movement shows how little the Indian citizen cares for the Indian state, democracy or no democracy.

Corruption has existed in India since the aeons of time but never before now has an entire movement been centred on corruption; I wonder whether such a movement has ever been staged anywhere in the world. Never before now has corruption become a catchword to explain every kind of evil in the everyday life of an individual. Today’s corruption is something else; it is far beyond having to pay a bribe to get a phone connection, beyond having to bribe a excise inspector; today’s corruption is the 2G Scam, where a few people, some people are seen to have access to large moneys where no ordinary soul can even in her wildest imagination wish to access. It is this inaccessibility to wealth for most and its secret password in the hands of a selected privilege few that really enrages people; no wonder then at the crux of the imagery of money stashed away in the secret chambers of the hallowed Swiss Banks. Everything that the government does, the BRT corridor, the Commonwealth Games, 2G spectrum, oil price hike, development through industrialization are seen to increase inequality in wealth, not through differential merit or qualifications but through differential access to be in the right place at the right time. The economy that drives through large monopoly private venture funds with blessings of the political class constitutes a coterie aided by none other than the democratic system. This makes losers hate democracy, become apolitical, jump due processes, disregard institutions, in short anything that constitutes that world that leaves them behind.

Those who are today opposed to Anna in their fight against corruption refuse to accept themselves as losers even though they may have every objective indicator against them such as not owning homes, cars, designer purses and so on. They would rather activate the RTI, go to the consumer courts, write letters of complaints to authorities and whistle blow to media. These are the usual jholawalas, the intellectuals, the critical cynics of neoliberal growth projects. These people have stood outside the madness of global capital, many a time refused to belong, to jump into the fray of buying gadgets, owning homes and going on vacations abroad. Interestingly, such people who stand outside the competition consider themselves as the winners. These “winners” are the anti-globalization people with outdated beliefs in Keynesian economics, welfare state, public sector and market regulators.

But those who support Anna, despite their management degrees, or foreign jobs and plush bungalows in America, look upon themselves as losers caught in uncertain employment, fearful of retrenchment, plagued by vagaries of their investments at the stock market or regretful of investments whose EMIs they can no longer pay. This is the pro group; who disdain politics because it brings in the claims of the have-nots into the enjoyment of the haves, who believe that privatization is the panacea for every evil and that the State should just up its tail and disappear beyond sight. Yet it is today that this group that contains people whose self image is that of a loser. This is the most interesting aspect of the sociology of Annacronyism.

Neoliberalism has its own way of making people feel unwanted, unqualified, undeserving and underperforming. The more one performs, one is never really on top of things, the growing inequalities of income and wealth more so in the absence of State regulation leads to a loss of a sense of agency. In simpler terms, individuals feel less in command of her life, less capable of shaping it the way she wants to, less in command of her own future. All such trepidations transform into a battle against the one that caused it all, the State. The State is an institution that creates certainties in life, certainties that efforts would be rewarded, opportunities will be presented, and capabilities will be created. These are the basic function of the State in any civilized society. Unfortunately in neoliberalism, these are not possible; only global capital pursues its profits mindlessly and depends a lot on the State system to fructify its agenda. The State turns against its own citizen while promoting a Tata-Corus deal as in the UK, or the award of the 2G spectrum in India, or the speculation of wheat when food prices are shooting through the roof, or even the sinking of the public sector to benefit a private player in the same industry. Such turning of the State against its citizens is captured under the generic term of corruption. Anna’s team is fighting to reverse the dominance, from the State towards the citizen; that citizen who might be a nihilist, a negationist, and a fascist but nonetheless is only the mirror image of a State that has totally belied its own Constitution, perverted its institutions and used democracy only as a cover up of deeply oligopolistic practices.

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Shammi..at the end of the day

Shammi Kapoor died on the early morning of the 14th of August 2011, succumbing to a chronic renal malfunction. Fortuitously, I was reading about one of the possible causes of the malady as being chronic adrenaline fatigue, a possibility that over excitable personalities often develop. Shammi’s hyperactive persona was his real self, something that his screen persona borrowed from, worked upon and then integrated into the cinematic form and stamped as a template. Interestingly, Shammi’s templates have been most used and continue to be used till data, the latest instance being Zoya’s film, Zindagi Na Milegi Dobara.

I encountered Shammi Kapoor through the song Suku Suku. I was then suffering from typhoid and because of my intense weakness had to be carried by Chhotomama so that Ma could feed me porridge. On one such a day of intense conflict between food and my appetite, someone was called upon to entertain me with song and dance. This someone was my mother’s cousin, who the family knew as Khudu, from khudey, a Bengali word for small. Chhotomama was tall and I sat above heads of adults in my perch in his arms and all I could recall of Khudumama was his tuft of hair raised above the forehead like the hood of a cobra, bobbling waywardly as he did a twist while he sang Suku Suku. Sejomama quickly found a surface and played out the beat of the drums while Bachi and Bulimashi shook themselves converting the covered patio of Indulok into a dance floor. Sejomama also imitated the sound of the clarionet. Then they sang also sang Yahoo ! I always associate Shammi Kapoor to that morning when what began drearily for me with force feeding, quickly transformed into all sunshine and gaiety. Shammi had been just this for his fans, I suppose.

I distinctly remember Shammi’s era as a child growing up in Kolkata. It was the age of Trinca’s and its rock singers, of steamer parties with bongo drummers and clarionets; men with drainpipe trousers, women with high bouffet and skin tight kameezes that made my father’s mama, who I called Motadadu, Mota as in Gujarati meaning the older one, comment that women must have first worn the cloth and then got it stitched instead the other way round. Our local darzi, Ruhul made many such firoza blue and rani pink body hugging kameezes for Bulimashi. Beauty saloons such as Eve’s and Karabi specialized in switches and buns that would make one’s hair stand tall as an implanted bucket on one’s head. Swimsuits and bikinis were worn by women swimming in Calcutta Club’s indoor swimming pool. Shammi was an age; an age of unbridled joy and its uninhibited exhibition. It was an age of the outdoor picnics, of clubs and club singers, of cabaret and floor dancing, of Blue Foxes and Waldorfs. It was also the age of dreary lock outs, of strikes and processions, of food crisis and blackmarket, political uncertainties and the ever present fear of war and jingoistic patriotism. Shammi was the Hindi film’s way of not addressing the world outside oneself; a desire to be immersed in a self contained mesmerization of intoxicating opium of O.P Nayyar and S.D.Burman. To say that Shammi was a rebel is to misunderstand his impact; his was a way of never addressing the world head on.

When I studied Shammi Kapoor as a sociologist, I observed something rather interesting. In Madhu Jain’s account and in various print sources, one is fairly familiar with the Kapoor clan’s working. They are so proud of their craft that they do not tolerate anything to stand between them and their cinema. Raj Kapoor was at best only tolerated as a clapper boy with a paltry salary in Prithviraj Kapoor’s productions; Rajeev, Kunal, Aditya, Kanchan, Ridhima are Kapoors those who have perpetually stood out of reckoning and Karishma and Kareena had to slog it out themselves like any outsider. So when Shammi emerged as a wannabe in the silver screen, not the Kapoors but others like K Amarnath, P.N.Arora, Balwant Bhatt, Nasir Hussain and Shakti Samanta raised, reared and propelled him into stardom. Shammi expectedly then developed his own set of people, his own brand distinct and unique. But who were these people, what were they looking for and what did they do to the Hindi film and why did they do what they did? These questions when answered would perhaps establish to some degree, sociology of Shammi Kapoor.

 

The Hindi film world have had interesting blocs, each contributing significantly to what we now reckon as the grand formula of the melodrama. There was a Bengal bloc composed of New Theatres, D.N.Ganguly with overtones of both Tagore’s Shantiniketan as well as of the Deccan through Madras Music Academy, Nizam’s art college. This bloc was joined in by film makers from the North West province of Peshawar, Prithviraj Kapoor, Raj Kapoor, Dev Anand and family, Dilip Kumar and others. The two extremities spanned into one line of film making. There was a Marathi axis, Damle-Fattelal, Shantaram, spectacular, full of trick photography, high sound impact, high energy. There was a Gujarati-Parsi axis consisting of Gandhian activists in Nandlal Jaswantlal, Ardeshir Irani and others. This was a segment that experimented with the narratives and many nationalistic ideologies were often transported through its narratives. Much later after Independence many of Raj Kapoor’s scenes from Awara or Shri 420 or Aah, Aaag or Barsaat can be traced to have been influenced as much by the Gujarat-Parsi school as by the New Theatres. Around the middle of 1950’s, another axis in cinema rose and this was from Madhya Pradesh, periphery to Mumbai, hinterland, unconnected to the IPTA movement, unlearned in New Theatres, a bit disdainful of the Parsi axis and desirous of charting its own course of pursuing cinema as pure entertainment. Nasir Hussain et al, the kind of people that raised and reared Shammi hailed from this bloc. In fact, Ashok Kumar and Kishore Kumar, though Bengalis were born and brought up in Madhya Pradesh.

The new kids from Madhya Pradesh were late comers into cinema; they rode on the back of their predecessors and inherited from the enormous knowledge in technology and skilled studio hands. Free of pursuit of having to respond to the heaviness of Freedom Struggle, or to participate in social reform and entrusting the sovereign State to be all hunky dory, this new generation wished to explore, for the first time, a life, light from the burden of ideology. In the 1950’s the world of cinema was held together by the troika of Raj Kapoor, Dev Anand and Dilip Kumar, all steeped somewhat in their own agendas of critiquing the world, heavy weather emotions and dutiful investigations. Dev Anand, among them had qualities of emerging out into some kind of unthinking playfulness and surely enough, he was the more sought after template. Interestingly Dev Anand made way for others twice by refusing a role; one was for Shammi Kapoor in Tumsa Nahin Dekha (1957) and the other was for Amitabh Bachchan in 1973 when he refused to act in Zanjeer. In both the cases he made way for new stars to emerge and in both cases the persons in question were from Madhya Pradesh.

The Madhya Pradesh angle is interesting in Hindi films because it was from the film makers of this region that cinema finally reached its status of pure entertainment. It was not until Salim-Javed that cinema once again, through the renditions of Amitabh, started to emerge with a clear political angle. But that did not make the cinema compromise on its essence as pure entertainment. The Madhya Pradesh cadre of Hindi film then raised the cinema free of its ideological baggage into something more amenable as a visual extravaganza. The rise of O.P.Nayyar along with Shammi Kapoor is perhaps not coincidental because of the close personality resemblances one had with the other, both thought and felt alike. Shammi’s personality aligned itself rather well into this group led by Nasir Hussain as free floating, free flying, spontaneous enjoyment without the baggage of philosophy. Shammi’s was also the cue to a new glossy and consumerist India, slowly gaining in affluence and also in deepened inequalities; this is why, one associates Shammi so closely to Trinca’s and Blue Foxes in Park Street, sequined in tony lamps all decorated for the New Year’s Eve. This is why he is at once a Junglee and also found in Evening in Paris; naïve, simple, childish women are associated with him a la Daisy Miller of Henry James. Indeed when he is domesticated into a child rearing role, he is accredited with the title Brahmachari, hinting that here is a man, unattached and disinterested and hence because of this Kantian disinterest is capable of giving such unconditional and even aesthetic love. The Hindi film vigilantes, most of who appear in the board of awards, gave him his first Filmfare Prize for Brahmachari where pure hedonism was mingled with responsible domesticity, albeit through unshaken celibacy.

Shammi’s is also an image that was explored for likeness to the American pop culture; hence his rock star image in so many of his films. But unfortunately for both cinema and Shammi America appeared as a land of only the unhindered pursuit of pleasure; the pathos of rock was never studied, its sociology never understood. Hence, while they did get the shake and the twist as surface similarities and what they left out was the political quest of the music form. There was the restiveness and impatience, the arrogance and the aloofness of the American pop culture but Shammi and his team remained out of any kind of political contestations. O.P Nayyar’s music with writings from Sahir Ludhianvi and Majrooh Sultanpuri kept up the spirit of politics for all of the above persons were decisive in their political stands. On the whole, the apolitical nature of Shammi’s image is the crux of his appeal and henceforth of the Hindi cinema all through the sizzling decade of the 1960’s. Music is what braces and locates a star in her basic mood, attitude, way of being and historical era; Shammi became the star that he was because of his excellent response to music, when he almost personalized its flow, beat, rhythm and temper. Later on, India’s first superstar, Rajesh Khanna was a personalization of music; no one can discuss Rajesh Khanna without a sway of her head and of fingers held in a victory sign.

When I met Shammi Kapoor some thirty years after his stardom was over in the Hindi films, I found him to have balded and his middle acquired enormous amount of girth. He was loaded with chains of rudrakshas, had the tacky tika on his forehead, but as soon as he opened his mouth to speak, I recognized, he, the star and the Khudumama in him. Both men’s wives were surprisingly alike, kept their heads firmly wrapped under the pallu and peeped out from behind the curtains into the sitting room to catch glimpses of the guests. Star and his/her fan become congruent; this has been the focus of my own study. Shashi was then sinking deeper into his state of depression after Jennifer’s death and he remained silent sitting astride a chair facing its back at the far corner of the sitting room. The venue was a hotel suite of the Leela Kempinsky that Shammi had booked for the day and its reason, in a strange and indirect way was I !!

I had then just finished my MPhil on Amitabh Bachchan from JNU; I wrote my dissertation in the spirit of a treatise and in the language of German Idealism. I wrote all about the spirit, the soul, the agency, and through my constant reading of Lukacs, Levinas and Adorno, I adopted their language too. The reaction from the world of cinema was one of an overjoyed shock. Amitabh invited me to be his guest, introduced me to the doyens of the industry and Shammi was so curious that he started his video magazine, Manoranjan by inviting all of us to discuss the image of a star ! After the shooting, he called some of us to his hotel suite and targeted me as to what I read and what I write. He was quite disgusted at my philosophical leanings, refusing to believe that the cinema could be anything better than mere sensations of the skin. He asked me questions but never allowed me to answer them; he seemed to be in no mood to discuss and only to disparage. He then targeted Amitabh, accusing him to be trying to be too big for his boots and attempt to run the country via his studios. Shammi was clearly very disdainful of cinema trying to be anything else beyond the premises of the theatre; any attempt at doing anything else with it, according to him was sacrilege and that included his own father and brother.

For some reason, I found Shammi to be a person who is unable to respond to the world around him; just the way Khudumama turned out to be. Both had become recluses, avoided human company, stayed mostly aloof from friends and immersed in the Internet, a space both asocial and apolitical. To impose politics, rebellion, freedom on Shammi would thus be anomalies; for all that loud music, vigorous shaking of the body and hair, the gay abandon were withdrawals from the world, not in the way the rock music did through its own distinct politics, but in an apolitical manner of the IT sector entrenched affluent middle class, refusing to acknowledge cracks in the shine and shying away from our roles to set that right.

 

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Dadu, too much..

Dadu, my father’s father died on this day, i.e the 13th of August in 1976. This is thirty five years before now. I think that with every passing year, his presence just grows on the family; each year Dadu seems to actually become more alive.

My father being the only child of his parents, our small nuclear family was essentially very close knit. And my father being an only child in the days when families often would be large attracted a strange kind of attention from his parents who I called respectively as Dadu and Thama. This attention was a curious mixture of minute monitoring, compulsive control and obsessive affection. My father had to be protected from everything in the world and in order that the world would never rise to disturb father, that world needed to be controlled as well. Hence Thama and Dadu extended their parenting to the world at large. Servants, drivers, washerman, garbage collectors, office peons and assistants, kins people and friends, neighbours and the family doctor and his family, income tax accountant and his family and friends were all subjected therefore to this kind of obsessive affection which was actually a covert form of control and monitoring. When mother married into the family and when I was born, we were both subjected and subjugated to this kind of affectionate panoptic and disciplining control. My brother Pam four and a half years younger to me was partially a recipient of such regimentation.

Our home was run like a corporation. Menus were fixed; begun pora on Wednesdays, Keema cutlet on Fridays, bread pudding, custard, (I forget which days). Timetables were set tight and calendars followed for winter and summer makeover when fans would be tied with newspaper, or unwrapped and oiled and window panes shut or open depending which season we were getting prepared for. Notebooks and files were maintained for everything, there was a system of regular paper clippings with scissors and bowls of “lei” especially when Byomkesh Bakshi’s Benisanhar was published weekly in the Sunday edition of Anandabazar. Bookcases were dusted, geysers repaired, electrical switches changed with the routine of an office.

As a child, strangely, I felt quite reassured with such all encompassing and all enclosing affection. My fierce autonomy that I developed later was not so much of an independence of the spirit as it was a refusal to acknowledge anyone else’s authority upon me other than those of Thama and Dadu. My parents and we were more like siblings under the ferocity of love from my grandparents. When Thama died in 1967 and Dadu crashed emotionally, one of the ways he coped with his situation was to become even more obsessive about everyone around us. My tutor Dola Aunty, our family friend Madhuri Mashi, Dadu’s driver Srikanta, his barber Ram, the family compounder Barunbabu, the fishmonger in Gariahat market, the scrap collector, Jalil, all came into the ambit of Dadu’s concern. None of us were allowed to catch colds, develop coughs, get fevers and fall sick; everyone’s well being was of utmost importance to Dadu. He was a man with a strange recognition of mutual interdependence; he was imperial and he knew that an Empire could not run well without everyone of us being in states of perfect health and happiness. His deep and honest desire for everyone’s happiness emanated from a much larger understanding that viruses of sorrow can be very contagious; the world needs to be generally happy in sum if it has to guarantee an individual’s happiness. He firmly believed in a perfect world and he also imagined that he had the power to make it that way. But all of that needed a huge mental energy that manifested itself in a state of nervous excitement that was Dadu’s usual state of being.

After his retirement from Calcutta University, Dadu was the curator or Victoria Memorial. He often chased lovers on its grounds insisting that they come inside and visit the galleries; he repeatedly declined Lady Ranu’s requests that the building be lighted for he feared that a short circuit could burn the precious museum down and on evenings and nights of heavy shower and norwesters, Dadu convinced himself that the windows of the Central Hall were not closed properly. Mr Nair, the museum’s resident manager would be woken up in the middle of the night on the very few occasions when the telephone was working and insisted that he open all those tall and heavy doors with torch in one hand and inspect whether each and every window is properly sealed shut. Those were the days of high Naxalism and Dadu too was gheraoed once. But he chatted so much with the rebels, became worried that a few among them would be dehydrated and organized tea and shingaras out of the Victoria Memorial Canteen that the belligerent boys soon forgot all about the gherao and became involved in the beauty of the cannas around the ponds.

Dadu tried to cultivate my mind. I was to see museums, read biographies of famous men, learn about epics, read fables, watch puppet theatre and learn Rabindrasangeet. I had little interest in the above list. Dadu soon discovered sworn enemies in Enid Blyton, Kiriti Roy, Tenida and even at a point of time decided that Bankimchandra and Sarat Chandra were not all that noble. I was also growing fond of classical music. I started reading Soviet authors late into the night. I decided to flee into what was Thama and Dadu’s bedroom now lying vacant because Dadu could not bear the loneliness of Thama no longer being with him. It is here that I cultivated my mind quietly and surreptitiously and used those as arsenals to challenge Dadu in his opinions on history and politics. Dadu was anti democracy, which he termed as ochlocracy and he was very far from being a socialist. Dadu had been a student and a teacher of history in Presidency College before he joined as an administrator of Calcutta University. I loved to argue out themes in history and culture with him. When in a recent academic debate some scholars asked me where I knew of the various religious sects who were neither Hindu nor Muslim such as the Nirmohi Akhra, I realized that I learnt so much just by arguing with Dadu across the dining table. He was also very Westernized having being brought up in a pucca sahib family of his own father. He was never comfortable eating with his fingers and it was here that I loved to surprise him by showing how well I could debone a piece of Ilish peti.

None of us quite realized that behind Dadu’s hypertensive existence there laid an emptiness that gnawed at him day and night. So Dadu being Dadu decided that he needed something to look forward to. Soon he found one, his own death. The prospect of death now inspired a new meaning into his life. We had a family astrologer who Dadu consulted for everything, from whether I would pass in my maths, whether my cough will be diagnosed as tuberculosis or pneumonia, whether Boromani would survive her heart ailment and so on. One Sunday, Dadu returned from the astrologer cheerfully. By this time, Ma learnt driving and got Srikanta, Dadu’s driver sacked and drove him around instead. Dadu, who would always be agitated at the traffic while Ma negotiated the same at her own level of comfort, seemed, on his way back to be surprisingly calm and relaxed. Instead of a sweaty forehead wrinkled up with worry, Dadu walked contended into the house announcing that the astrologer predicted that he has only this very month to live. It was early July and the sky had been overcast for the entire week that year.

He suffered from prostate problems and decided that he needed a surgery. He also decided that he would never return alive from his operation. With him gone, he also anticipated that we would all be left rudderless and the home would crash. So he decided to do a final makeover. For that entire month, it was a preparation for a grand event. Cracks were repaired, electric cables overhauled, window panes cracked from crashing cricket balls replaced, the car was serviced, a new battery was put, dues to everyone cleared, a pair of gold bangles were made for me as a gift for my wedding that Dadu would not live to see. On Sundays of July, Ma would drive Dadu to visit every relative; Dadu would come and tick names off the list, a list that he called as a goodbye list. As soon as the visitations were done, Dadu called me to help him tear apart a pile of papers, letters, cards, appeals, complaints and so on. Now, he said satisfactorily, you can use my drawer for your notes. What about your things Dadu I asked; he said, no I will never be needing these things. He also told me to go ahead and use his soap cases and towels after he was gone. I laughed my heart out at his jokes.

Dadu called a meeting of close relatives, all women. Among them were Dola Aunty, Madhuri Mashi and Sovathama. He showed them a drawer in which lay washed, pressed and ribbed his silk dhuti and Punjabi set. Put these on me, he told them, when I die. Please comb my hair, put my false teeth and set my glasses. He was certain that we will cry so much that we will not be mindful of such details and hence relatives who would be firmer would be in charge of dressing his corpse. He approved the flower decoration of his hearse van, the design of the chandan on his forehead and reminded that the Yardley perfume be put on him. Having done all that, he booked his room in the nursing home, packed his bags neatly, packed also some biscuits, and sat back to have his last cup of tea at home. I was going to school then and wished him all the best. He suddenly clapped his forehead and pointed despondently at the radio, this, he said, I forgot to repair it. Now it will only be junk because none of you will ever get it repaired. Dadu never trusted us to ever behave like responsible adults.

Dadu died on his operation table of bleeding that could not be controlled. Baba was with him in the end, held his hand in the OT till he passed away. Ma, a very strong nerved woman really broke down. Her older sister who I call Bachi arranged for the hearse van and the flowers. The others arrived; Sova Thama dressed and clothed Dadu. Nomami and Chhotomami helped around efficiently. Dida came and stayed the night with all of us. Dr Pal, our neighbor informed the press and the radio and I think Boromama arranged for an announcement in the newspapers. Throughout the mourning period, our large extended family came in all the time, paying their respects to the oldest among them, brought flowers just as Dadu liked them. The house always smelt of fresh fragrance and perfumed incense. People, unknown to us dropped in, they heard it on the radio, or read the obituary, they would say, for Dr A.P Dasgupta as the world knew him, was a hugely popular man in his professional world and officialdom, known for his concern, love, affection, worry for everyone’s well-being, just the way he was with his own family. The stream of visitors continued well into the days to come, remembering a man who tried to hold everyone he ever met as his very own.

 

P.S We never got around to repair the radio; many years later I threw it off as junk.

 

 

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Seeing Off Na Mama

Na Mama, Na being pronounced as in naughty, a name for the fourth born in a family, implied something very specific when he said that he was seeing someone off. He used the term see off to mean one who is off abroad aboard a plane, or taking an aircraft to go on some official duty. In those days, travelling by plane was not within easy reach of one’s pocket and when one took a plane it meant that she would either be flying abroad or going on some work of a great deal of importance. Such people, the successful ones, the chosen ones, Na Mama would see off. The others, if one went from Kolkata to Patna, or to Deoghar, s/he would deserve only to be “put on the train”. Na Mama was my mother’s fourth brother.

Born in the early 1930’s, he belonged to a generation that took the projected dream of India’s Freedom very seriously; believed in modernity led by technology, economic growth led by enterprise and corporations, and sincerely believed that India’s sovereignty also meant a sovereign public sphere where equal opportunities awaited anyone who had the talent to cash on it. He also believed, far ahead of his times, that the middle class was meant to become prosperous, catch up standards of the richest of rich and that every honest bhadralok had a right to the finest quality of life. While he lived, he constantly fought to establish such beliefs as the truth. Na Mama believed in sudden turn of fortune, spectacles in everyday life, drama in even the most unpromising situations and had an unyielding optimism. His was a world of the saxophone and the band, of flood lights and glitter, of ornaments and livery, of grand cars and huge sofas. In many ways, he was my mother’s family’s dreamer.

His discerning tastes were literally put to use when he was employed by a global tea auction company to be a tea taster on board. We listened with wide eyes and gaping mouths stories about how tea tasters put benchmark prices to be auctioned at the Calcutta and London markets. It was for one such assignment that he once spent a few months in England; returned and then told us all about moving staircases known as escalators. My mother tells me that this trip was before he was married and how he saved up every penny to get presents for everybody except himself. In all the Marks and Spencers he shopped in, he did not buy anything for himself. He was a team man, who knew how to put everybody else’s interests before his.

In many ways he could see far ahead of his times, nurturing fantastic schemes for business. He quit his job and joined a business in Nepal that blended and packaged tea to be put up in the retail stores of supermarkets. But the tea business collapsed worldwide, auctions crashed and spot markets replaced benchmark prices, something for which Na Mama used his tea tasting skills. The world rendered him redundant. This was a trough from which as long as I kept track of him, he did not seem to recover.

As a child, Na Mama wanted to create fairy tales for us. He seemed to be the one to have seen it all, done those things. He took us on trams, on minibuses when they first came, he took me to my first ever circus; he always bought the latest fire crackers, went to Circarama, installed one of the first television sets when the telly came to Kolkata.He had magicians and ventriloquists to entertain us at home when we gathered for his children’s parties. Once he also organized a puppet show by placing sets in the lobby of Indulok. My mother’s was a joint family with as many as ten children living under the same roof. Na Mama ordered and designed cakes from Flury’s shaped like a motor car, or a ship or a circus arena, and sometimes a pink and mauve Doll’s house. He introduced me to marzapine and the stick jaw, the latter was to help me chew and take a loose milk tooth out.

A joint family has a way of creating some trouble shooters; Na Mama and Chhotomama being the two youngest of the five brothers were floor managers for the large family. They would coordinate how children would spend their holidays; the hobby classes they would attend, make lists for the family’s Durga Puja paraphernalia, organize feasts, manage events such as weddings, and if need be beat up thieves who dared to step into the kitchen garden darkened by long shadows of the papaya trees. They took the elderly to the hospitals and call doctors when children fell ill. In many ways they were the pillars of the large household known as Indulok.

My special interaction with Na Mama was in the stories he told me; he could narrate a story with sound effects so vividly that I got a feeling as if I was watching a film. My Ghanadas, Motadas, Bantul The Great, Hnada Bhnoda and Nonte Fonte were heard from him. He could describe in minute dramatic details the football match he saw, or the catch Solkar took the fine bowling by Chris Old. He had a fantastic memory, never forgetting even the most insignificant detail he heard. He had a great ear for music, an eye for art especially sculpture, knew how to make images by pressing aluminum foil, to fold colour paper into shapes of animals. He decorated the Goddess during Saraswati Puja, designed the lighting when his youngest sister got married.

But these were merely the tip of the iceberg; for Na Mama lived in his own world of enormous dreams; he loved success, spectacles, splendor. It is not that he had ambitions for himself alone; he imagined the moon for everyone else as well. But dreams do not go well with hardnosed middle class families where adventure is discouraged, risks avoided. Most of his ventures did not succeed because he had little idea that not talent but access to capital was the crucial factor in business and that access to funds was not something that the Bengali middle class in a Marwari dominated capitalist set up was ever likely to have. He then became the loser of the family; a category that the middle class disparages and fears. Rather than help him secure his finance, the family harshly criticized him for dreaming big. The more he failed, the harsher the family became towards him; he was emotionally harassed and ragged for being a loser, for not being like the rest. He never accepted his defeat, continued to be a defiant dreamer and on this high pitched ego battle, it became very difficult for him to go on. In the wee hours of one morning, he left home with his wife, his children being already away in other continents, without leaving behind a contact address.

I met Na Mama and Na Mami many years later when my mother located their address. They were then both much older and did not keep well. The children and grand children were both away and we politely inquired about them. Na Mami cooked some Murg Massalam, a dish she had perfected and this she did despite her extreme ill health. Both came when my maternal grandfather passed away, performing their duty, chatting dispassionately on neutral issues like cricket, cars, vegetables and fruits. He was, I observed, no longer interested in interacting with the family as family. I let them be, in their privacy, away from the competitive pressure of the Hindu Joint Family that needed one always to fall in line.

On the occasion of my 50th birthday when I sent each of the adults who mattered to me while I was a child, thank you notes. I composed one for him and did not know how to reach it to him. For then he had already shifted home again; somehow, through a long winded process I located his email and wrote to him. He was happy to have talked to me but did not wish to restring the thread of the family again; I knew that his interaction with all of us had become detached.

Last Sunday, my cousin called me up to say that someone quite unknown to him had sent a message in his facebook informing the family that Na Mama (his Na Jethu) had taken seriously ill. There were some phone numbers where he called to learn that it had been over an hour when Na Mama lay dead in a hospital that required a blood relative to come and claim the body. It seems that he died at an ATM while withdrawing money; it was a massive cerebral stroke. He was always the one to take people to the hospitals, but when it was his turn, he fell all alone. Since the police had recovered the body they wanted someone from the family to come; this is how, through facebook, we got to know that he had died.

When the members of my mother’s family visited Na Mama’s flat in Rajarhat, they were astounded at the plush of the apartment. His neighbours were most obliging, he was enormously popular, he was the President of the Durga Puja Committee. He always liked high class living, with cooks and nurses to help out; he liked socializing and he loved the Durga Puja. His strained relations with the family, their insistence on selling land in the ancestral village where they had a Durga temple had also estranged him from the annual celebrations which he loved so dearly. He used to take the cinema to the village, set up massive generators to put up lights, introduced taasha bands at immersion processions. I was happy that he had taken upon himself to manage a Durga Puja at his apartment complex. The concluding chapter of his life ensured that he got his kind of life style that he always aspired for, achieved sometimes but lost most of the times. Though his dreams shattered time and again, he fell into penury and managed to emerge out of it all on his own efforts, all did end very well. The net conclusion- his was a successful life. My brother said that he would be there for the cremation and I instinctively told him, yes, it is important that his nephews should “see him off”. Death is a “send off”, a “see off” for Na Mama, for like life, his death should also be an adventure.

I have been the one to usually convey any news of death in the family to my cousins. Never before now have I sensed such nervousness with which news of Na Mama’s death has been listened to. I think though he was away from home a good twenty years before now, yet there is a recognition that a load bearing pillar of the family has been struck down.

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Greenathon – The Hypocrisy

NDTV’s Greenathon is a model case study of how the media creates and circulates images to conceal conflicts in society and impose pretences as infallible truths. The Greenathon is a thriving instance of such an activity. It is a cleverly constructed media event that appropriates environment as an issue for attracting eyeballs and hence sponsors and advertisers. It plays around the largely uncontested arena of climate and environment in order to assume unassailability and hide purely commercial interests behind its veneer. It tries to recruit general interest persons to create a semblance of a civil society, getting them to sign registers along with their emails and mobile numbers and thus procuring a list of immensely saleable value for chain mails and promotional SMS. It helps assure young students and entrepreneurs whose high consumption and greed has in any case got the world as climate challenged as it is today that by wearing a T shirt, or signing in a roster or running a few yards in a marathon helps them fulfill their duties as responsible citizens. In all this, the Greenathon not only distracts us from the real issues behind environment but, which is more serious, makes us believe that such stunts can substitute for solutions.

Apart from marathon runs and signature campaigns, the Greenathon also has a component of flimsy film stars visiting villages in India helping them set up “solar power” systems. These systems are manufactured and sold by a company in the USA (that keeps sending me their promotional material so I know) and are used to light up villages. These systems only provide light, no fans, no power points and works worse than our electric supply in electrification drives. The idea that the Greenathon circulates is of the Indian villages that go dark as soon as the sun sets. This is far from true; almost all villages in India have some degree of electricity, but they do not have the required supply to run water pumps, fans, water coolers, refrigerators, computers and televisions those that make life a decent living. Solar power cannot do this, all it can do is to light a few solar lamps at almost three hundred times the initial investment of an electric bulb !! This is called to be going green !!

What such crude initiatives do is to distort the truth and herein lie their wickedness. There is no way in which the climate change can be reversed until and unless we reign in our consumption. We have to eat less of fast food, discard clothes less often, remodel furniture a little less, drive in cars with economy, use less oil, less steel, less glass, less cooking fuel, less water. Since all of the above define our very civilization today, we have to have a civilizational change if we are to reverse the clock ticking away to spell the end of the earth. In short, this is the first time that the human race must think of restraining itself in its pursuit of mindless and needless consumption. Environment is thus a politics of life style, a politics against ostentation, against a model of development that thrives on the pursuit of private gain against community regeneration. Until and unless such questions are addressed, there can be no environmentalism.

The NDTV has been among many others been a prime agent portraying environmental movements as being against development. It supported the Tata against Singur farmers, upheld Jindal against peasants in Salboni, portrayed adivasis fighting against POSCO as miscreants and dubbed protests in Kalinganagar and Dantewada as being Maoists. In every case of an indigenous people’s movement, the NDTV has supported the charge of arms of the State against protests that are actually to save the earth from being raped by marauding machines and greedy men. Such an NDTV now pretends to be a savior of the environment by selling costly solar lamps through Bollywood stars.

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List of Publications

PUBLICATIONS IN BOOKS AND JOURNALS

 

BOOKS:

Amitabh – The Making Of A Superstar. Penguin. Delhi.2006

 

PUBLICATIONS IN BOOKS:

  1. “ “Anthony Gonsalves” in Non-Fiction Writings.  Penguin. Delhi. 2008
  2. “Sociology of Stars in Hindi Cinema” in Sociology of Globalization. Ed Sakarama and Ganesha Somaiyaji. Rawat. Delhi. 2006.
  3. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Hindi Cinema. Form And Ideology Of The Hindi Commercial Cinema. 2003.
  4. “Globalization And The Future of Backward Class Politics In India.” In Backward Classes In India. Ed B.V.Bhosale. Deep and Deep. Delhi. 2003.
  5. “The TVE Edge – Understanding China’s Economic Miracle”. in Chinese Odyssey – Mao To Market . Country Series. ICFAI. Hyderabad. 2001.
  6. “Survey Of Food Consumption And Nutrients In Slum Areas Of South Calcutta.” In West Bengal – A Socio-economic Profile. Ed Goutam Sarkar. Institute For Studies In Social And Economic Development. Kolkata. 1998.

 

ARTICLES ON ECONOMICS:

  1. Air India Strike and the Plot Against the PSUs. Governance Now. May 16-31. Vol. 2. Issue 08. 2011.
  2. The Structural Crisis Of The World Steel Industry. EPW, 2-8 August, 2003.
  3. Prospects For The Revival Of Indian Industry, in conversation with ICFAI. ICFAI Reader. Hyderabad. October, 2002.
  4. Globalization And The Cement Industry, EPW, 7-13, September, 2002.
  5. Consolidating Reforms – Analysis Of The Union Budget of 2002-03. co-authored with Nitin Shah and Pitabas Mohanty. Analyst.. Hyderabad. April, 2002.
  6. Recession – End In Sight?, co-authored with Stephen C. Cecchetti, Edward Yardeni, Claude Smajda and Sudipa Majumdar. Analyst. Hyderabad. March 2002.
  7. Agenda For The Union Budget.  Analyst. Hyderabad. February, 2002.
  8. Reforms Roadmap. Co-authored with Saby Ganguly, Uttam Gupta, Parag Parikh and Kiran Nanda. Analyst. Hyderabad. August, 2001.
  9. Global Steel Industry. Analyst.. Hyderabad. April, 2001.
  10. Is Steel Too Soft To Compete? Business Standard, 1st February, 2001.
  11. The Global Recession – Basic Issues Facing The Steel Industry. JPC Bulletin. April-May 1999. Kolkata.

 

ARTICLES ON SOCIOLOGY:

  1.  Bhadrolok Mein Sendh – Mamata Banerjee (Hindi). Edit page. Amar Ujala. Hindi Daily. 15th October, 2010.
  2. The Nation As A Team, Citizens As Players, Development as A Game – The Cultural Ramifications of Globalization. India economy Review, 2008. IIPM, Delhi. August 2008.
  3. Why Does The Media Not Have  A Theory? – A Possible Reply. Economic And Political Weekly,  23rd June, 2001.
  4. Civil Society Through Clear Eyes. Economic And Political Weekly. 30th September, 2000.
  5. Theorizing Post-coloniality : Some Comments. Newsletter of the Research Committee on Theory, Concepts And Method. Indian Sociological Society. CSSS, Kolkata. August, 2000.
  6. Newness And Respect For Academic Tradition In India Sociology. Sociological Bulletin. September, 1998.
  7. Understanding Marriage And Legitimacy. Current Anthropology. Vol 39 No 3. June 1998.
  8. The State Resurrected – A Theory Of The Modern State Under Globalization. Economic And Political Weekly. 14th February, 1998.
  9. Redeployment Of The Feminine. Economic And Political Weekly. 25th June, 1998.

 

ARTICLES ON THE CINEMA:

  1. Uttam Kumar – A Sociological View Of The Bengali Culture In The Aftermath of Partition. Tehaai. Kolkata. Special Issue. Uttam Kumar. July 2009.
  2. Sarkar – Re-presenting Amitabh Bachchan. EPW. Mumbai. 19th September 2005.
  3. Social And Cultural Conceptions Of The Body. The Journal. Psychology Foundation Of India. Delhi. December, 2001.
  4. The Crorepati Phenomenon – Viewer Analysis Of “Kaun Banega Crorepati” on Star Plus Channel. Lights Camera Action. Mumbai. May-June, 2000.
  5. The Greatness And Limitations Of Amitabh Bachchan – An Analysis Of The Debates In “Mohabbatein”. Lights Camera Action. Mumbai. May-June, 2000.
  6. How Do People Really Watch Films – A Study Of Fiza. Lights Camera Action. Mumbai. November-December,1999.

BOOK REVIEWS:

  1. New Economic Policies And Dalits. Ed. P.G.Jogdanand . 2000. Sociological Bulletin.Vol 51, No 1. March 2002.
  2. Viramma. Viramma, Racine and Racine. 2000. Economic And Political Weekly.  10th June, 2001.
  3. Living With Modernity. Javeed Alam. 1998.  Biblio, nos 1& 2. January-February, 2000.
  4. Income, Poverty And Beyond – Human Development In India. Ed Raja Chelliah et al. 1999. Economic And Political Weekly. 11th December, 1999.
  5. Social Structure And Change Vol 5. Religion And Society. Essays In Honour Of M.N.Srinivas. ed A.M.Shah et al. Summerhill.Vol IV, No 2 Indian Institute Of Advanced Studies. Shimla. December 1998.
  6. Women Reborn. Renuka Singh. 1997. Sociological Bulletin. Vol 46, No 2. September 1997.

 

SEMINARS:

  1. Remaking The Nation – Study Of Bollywood Remakes. International Conference on Social Sciences, Sri Lanka. July. 2008.
  2. Work And Wealth. Changing Nature Of Occupational Mobility Under Globalization. All India Sociological Conference. IIT Kanpur. December. 2002.
  3. Globalization And The Changing relationship Between The Global And The Local. All India Sociological Conference. IIT Kanpur. December. 2002.
  4. Exploring the Capitalist Roots Of Marginalization. National Seminar On Marginalization And Technology. Jadavpur University, Kolkata. November, 2002.
  5. Globalization And The Media. Guest Lecture. Academic Staff College. 44th Social Sciences Refresher Course. October. 2002.
  6. Non-Performing Assets Of The Indian Steel Industry. Institute of Economic Growth. October, 2002.
  7. Globalization And Its Trade-offs. Indian Sociological Conference, Amritsar. December, 2001.
  8. Globalization And The Prospects of The Marginalized Groups. Indian Sociological Conference, Amritsar. December, 2001.
  9. Future Of Backward Classes Under Globalization. Department Of Sociology. University of Pune. February, 2000.
  10. Estimation And Forecast Of Steel Consumption In Housing Through The Census Data. Institute Of Architects. Mumbai. August, 1999.
  11. Estimation Of Growth Of Prosperity In Rural Households Through The Study Of Income Class Data.  Steel Scenario. February, 1996.
  12. Popular Conceptions Of Illiteracy And The Popular Consciousness – Study Of Kabir.  Centre For Historical Studies. Jawaharlal Nehru University. March, 1994.
  13. Counterfinality Of Sati – Study Of “Antarjali Jatra”, a film by Goutam Ghosh. Centre For The Studies In Social Systems. Jawaharlal Nehru University. December, 1989.

Web Publications: India Infoline, 2000-01.

 

 

  1. 62.      PAPERS ON THE STEEL INDUSTRY:
  1. Myth Of The Per Capita Consumption Of Steel
  2. Differences In The Behaviour Of Domestic Prices Of Steel Across Major Cities Of India.
  3. High Costs Of Inputs, Depressed Prices Of Output.
  4. Ignore Prices – Alternative Measures Of Market Buoyancy.
  5. Firmer Steel Prices, Weaker Cement Prices.
  6. Ask For A Lower Burden Of Interests And Not Lower Interests.
  7. Problem Of Value Growth In The Indian Steel Industry.
  8. The Importance Of Value-addition In The Indian Steel Industry.
  9. Bail-out For The Steel Industry May Be Through Modernization And Not The Market.
  10. The Mystery Of The Growing Non-Performing Assets.
  11. The Hub Of Technology – The Key To Competition.
  12. Why Consolidations Is Not A Solution To The Steel Industry’s Problems
  13. Resolving The Problem Of Over-capacity Through Knowledge.
  14. The Pricing Behaviour Of Indian Firms

 

MACRO-ECONOMICS:

  1. How Do Firms Invest In India
  2. Growth Of Firms In Defiance Of Economic Theory
  3. The Macro-economic Model Of Mr Yashwant Sinha
  4. Rates Of Interests – Nominal vs real
  5. Savings – How They Have Worked For East Asia
  6. The Old Economy vs The New Economy – Why The Service Sector May Not Be The Best Option.
  7. Response Of GDP With The Individual Components Of Capital Formation
  8. Removal Of Quantitative Restrictions – Who Loses And Why?
  9. Nasty Nasdaqs And Frightening Fridays: How Adversities In The Stock Market May Work Well For India
  10. Nasdaq’s Crash – Jobless Growth.
  11. The New World Trade – Decisive Importance Of The Non-traded Sectors
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I Want To Be Mamata Banerjee

When I was in my 20’s I wanted to be Amitabh Bachchan, meaning that I would mould myself to ingrain and internalize his persona. Now in my 50’s, I want to be Mamata Banerjee. I want to think like her, act like her, feel like her, in short, be like her.

Like her I want to just follow myself; not care whether I am being fashionable, whether my views fall into the acceptable framework or whether I talk like a pedagogue or make facile assertions. Like her, I want to be free of all schools of thought, of pre determined views of the world. I want to be able to see things directly, in their merit, in their own terms, in their own centredness. Like her, I should not be ashamed to support people who are right even when they are not wholly acceptable by the society. Like her, I should see no shame in supporting any political party when they speak sense, irrespective of what their professed ideology is. I should not worry about what people think of me if I follow my heart, I should never worry whether my discovery of truth is generally accepted by the era I live in.

I should not look to being rewarded, praised, lauded and supported. I should not be upset when people write me off, when people attack or defame me. When I am rejected by everyone around me I should never worry because I should never regard my own self in any importance instead look ahead at what I have felt is the truth. Like Mamata, I should learn never to compromise on the promise of light that for the time being I alone seem to have seen.

I want to be like Mamata in the simplicity of veneer, in shunning fine clothes and desire to look good. Like her I should not care what the world thinks of me, how they assess my worth by the style I keep, of whether I am being presentable in a gathering or not. Like her I will not wait to be wooed or adorned, chaperoned or guided. Like Mamata I should be able to never assess others by the clothes they wear, brands they use; by the wealth they keep but like her accept into my herd any and everyone who wishes to be led by me, or to accompany me to a pilgrimage whose destination I alone know.

Like Mamata I wish never to seek power but be sought by the powerful; let kings and queens come looking for me because like her I wish to return to my simple home as the dusk falls on another day. Like Mamata, I should dream of no home which is built to specifications, suave and swanky; like her, I should be able to regard any corner of the earth as my home as long as it gives me shelter. Like her, I will accept with open arms my neighbours without discretion of who they are and what class they belong to.

Like Mamata, I will see deep into the minds of men and women, listen to the unspoken, articulate the unsaid. Like her, I will know never to align with men with money and power but to defend men with thoughts. Like her I will choose those who have no one to stand by them, those who are abandoned by all, exiled and excluded.

Like Mamata I will not worry about my capabilities, never fear failure, for even when I fail, I will know, like her that I am loyal to my beliefs and while it is possible I do not know my craft, it is entirely impossible that I will compromise on my beliefs. Like her, I should not be apologetic about being impatient to justify my stand to others; like her I should be able to move on ahead of those who do not choose to accompany me. Like Mamata, I would like to extend my invitation to everyone irrespective of whether they have been my foes or friends, like her, these personal enmities should never matter to me. Like Mamata, I should be calm when it comes to things personal to me but like her my fury should know no bounds when what I know as the truth is attacked.

Like Mamata, I will not care for history because I will never believe in inevitability of events, notwithstanding their ubiquity across the globe, and like her, I will have faith in only that kind of development that encourages maximum participation. Like her, I will remain fiercely loyal to what I demarcate as my homeland. Like Mamata, I shall not fear death even if it means ignonimity and like her, I should not care whether I am reckoned with or relegated into anonymity.

Like her, I should listen only to the voice inside my head, not care whose it is, whether of God or of the Devil for like her I must remain ever the self same whether in fame or in disrepute, whether in power or out of it, whether in the hallowed portals or in the streets, whether celebrated or castigated.

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34 Years of Left Rule – Sociology of a Bengali

The media says that the imminent change in government in West Bengal after an unbroken, unshaken, unchallenged rule of the Left Front for thirty four years will be a historical wonderment. To my mind, however, the wonder lies more in the long tenure of the Left Front during which it has only moved from strength to strength. In a democracy such as India, where competitive politics ensures strong anti-incumbency tendencies, an uninterrupted reign through the popular mandate is not only unusual but downright unique. The moot point here is not why people are voting the Left Front out after having reposed such faith in it, but why did they show such an unflinching loyalty for so long?  To look for a possible reply to this question, one must delve deep into the moorings of the Bengalis, their sociology, their culture.

Bengalis, like the north eastern hilly people, call the rest of Indians as “Indians”. The common Bengali term for the Hindi speaking simpleton is Hindustani. Accordingly, whosoever converses in Hindi is associated with her poorer fraternity and treated condescendingly. Like in the tribes of the Nagas, or Meitis, or Khasis and Garos, the Bengali has a definite category of a “non-Bengali”. The suggestion here is that a Bengali ideally would like to live as a tribe when in a collectivity. A possible reason for this, inter alia is a large space within the hierarchical society of Bengal occupied by a certain social class that would like to project itself as the quintessential Bengali middle class. This is the lower middle class, a class born out of its peculiar dependence on salaried employment either in the state run institutions or as a cog in the wheel of a large private sector “merchant office”. This class through the peculiarities of history has developed a strange desire to concentrate within it cultural power and expectedly, a monopoly over the Bengali culture has emerged as the primary politics of this class.

Bengal, since the “Company” viz; the East India Company has been at pains to emerge as a worthy contender of the colonizers. Indeed, in his letters to Gandhi, Tagore lays bare his strategy for Independence, which is to strengthen one’s intellect and refinement to such an extent that the British would automatically be overtaken. This was not merely a poet’s imagination but constituted the larger fantasy of a people that would develop a distinct vernacular identity of a Bengali. In pursuit of such competitive cultural refinement, Bengal started developing a distinctive culture that would serve as the marker between those who deserved to belong and those who did not do so in the middle class “samaj”, or society. The Bengali culture works something like a club, with clear markers of not only insiders and outsiders but also of a hierarchy of who wears what weave of a sari, what cut of trousers, reads which books, or watches what kind of cinema. The large middle class of Bengal actively pursues its cultural refinement through its music and dance classes, art tutors and affiliation of its wannabes in performative groups. One of the most familiar sounds of Kolkata in the evening is of little children practicing music on the harmonium. The apparent cultural capital of the people actually conceals a definite politics that revolves around caste, social opportunities, land rights, property issues, gender conflicts, the city and the village tussles and the public sphere and even unemployment and education. It is this connection between culture and politics that one must understand in order to draw inferences on the long rule of the Left in Bengal.

The present Bengali society is the product of processes of intricate social dynamics. One is the continuous migration of people from the village to the city in which the city becomes the Eldorado of opportunities. In Pather Panchali, the first novel of the Apu Trilogy, Harihar tells his wife that the family better migrate to the city for better access to food ! It seems that millions migrated into the city looking for alms during the Bengal Famine of 1943. To be in the city is the dream of women who are looking to buy silken bangles and other fashion accessories as Asha Bhonsle sings for R.D.Burman. The city is the space of dreams for villages that have been starved by the zamindars of the Permanent Settlement. But to be in the city needs education, a refined speech, sharpness of the intellect and alertness of the mind. The Bengali cultivates these skills to be in the city just as so many of us try to imitate the American accent so that Universities and companies in the US may mistake us as their own.

Along the other axis lies the concealed competition around the caste. Bengal has known some terrible caste wars around the middle of the 19th century and many of such conflicts were not over land but over fortunes in cash earned by some families that made them suddenly very rich and powerful. Power was linked to English speech and fashion and hence a berth in the Company as its servant or associate and how the Company treated you depended on the way how you presented yourself in an ostentatious image. Dwarkanath Tagore’s “Lifestyle” was not entirely conspicuous consumption but also an investment for an image that the British would favourably respond to. The Bengali learnt early on to acquire cultural signs for himself to be “selected”. This giving in of oneself to appear as the right person happened only because Bengalis depended far too much on a monopoly employer rather than on self employment. The proud farmer, the self contended grocer, the self employed tailor or the businessman operating out of his family capital are images of poverty, pity and simplicity. They are not images that one pursues; they are categories that one does not want to fall into. Bengali becomes respectable through his “chakri” or salaried employment. Every moment, millions of Bengalis are dedicating themselves to pages and pages of mathematics and physics and biology to qualify the IIT Entrance or the Joint Examination only to get a job somewhere. In such a society, when a person enters the middle class, it is culture and the right looking signs those he picks up ensures him the worthiness to be considered as a potential employee.

The politics behind acquiring a culture was dictated by employers who held monopoly in their respective fields, namely the large capital or the State. Bengal’s politics is therefore so closely related to its culture, the substance from which one draws one’s entitlements to compete against one another, to decide on the insiders and outsiders and to bargain in the social sphere. The Partition of India in 1947 aggravated the tendencies for the politicization of culture, with not only the mission of separating the village from the city, the Muslim from the Hindu but also to assert the power and control of that vast class of clerks who were eager to claim Calcutta from its entrenched elites, namely the Renascent Bhadralok of the Bengal Club.

Bengal never won Independence like “India” did; instead in 1947, it had the Partition. Like Apu of the Apu Trilogy portrayed in cinema by Satyajit Ray, the Bengali could never forget that because there was Independence, there was also Partition. Culture, came in handy for the masses of displaced respectable people albeit with means smaller than that of the bhadralok, and helped them assume a moral upper hand by lionizing the displaced, the wronged, and the struggling middle class. Ritwik Ghatak’s cinema, Salil Choudhury’s music, Uttam Kumar’s stardom, Shankar’s novels expressed the sentiments of this new middle class, the underclass of the Bengal Club elites. The CPI(M) with its huge cadre, its deep infiltration into social spaces, artistic expressions, family matters actually stepped into the cultural space of the middle middle and the lower middle class. The long duration of the CPI(M) was because of its politicization of the culture of the Bengalis that divided and united them into competitors of the social mobility game, whose rules they all consensually agreed to abide by.

Today that Bengal has decided to change. The “Poriborton” goes much beyond who occupies the Writer’s Building. The change of culture that comes in today, irrespective of whether the TMC will be able to deliver the goods or not, is a change in the way Bengalis would want to negotiate with the world. This change is a change in the world view and it is quite possible that Mamata Banerjee might not be able to politicize this culture entirely like the CPI(M) did. The CPI(M) had defined too much, spoken too much, covered too much and organized too much. It had covered so much of the culture space that it left very little space for the new to come in. Every job went to its sympathizers, every thought had to reflect their agenda, every dream must be theirs, every conflict resolved their way. Slowly the Left Front took over so entirely, that culture lost its flexibility to evolve and emerge into something new. The vote for Mamata is a desperate search for some breathing space.

Mamata Banerjee’s politics revolves around very large moral questions those started off with Singur and Nandigram challenging our very development agenda, very path of globalization, the very strategy of privatization. Sonia Gandhi called her over to share a berth in the UPA and today Rahul Gandhi courts arrest over exactly the same issues in western UP. Mamata’s questions are echoed by the Indian National Congress; Bengal always wanted to be this way, what it thinks today the rest of India would think tomorrow.

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